Jacques Acao, leader of the movement against against President Herard Rivière in 1844.
Pierre Agé, General, Toussaint Louverture's Chief of staff. Talented officer who became a local legend. This general was a military leader during the slave revolt in the French colony of Saint-Domingue. Reference
B[]
Gilles Bambara, farmer from the Giroust plantation, joined the rebels in January 1803.
General Luberisse Barthélemy, Borough Commander of Saint-Marc (1865).
Ferrand de Baudières was a prominent figure in Haitian history during the late 18th century. He was a white man, serving as the seneschal (a high-ranking judicial official) of Petit-Goâve.
Baudières is remembered for his liberality and compassion towards the enslaved population. He was known to advocate for their rights and even drafted a petition on their behalf, calling for greater equality. Unfortunately, this act of solidarity led to his assassination by fellow white colonists who opposed any concessions to the enslaved.
His death became a symbol of the racial tensions and violence that characterized the Haitian Revolution.
Mont Morency Benjamin was a Haitian political–military figure who led one of the notable, though ultimately unsuccessful, insurrection attempts in Gonaïves on February 7, 1879. He aimed to seize the city during a period marked by intense political unrest in the country. With armed supporters, he entered the city hoping that the confusion and discontent would work in his favor. But the local population wasn’t having it. Before he could gain a foothold, his forces were pushed back decisively by determined local residents and pro-government officials, forcing Benjamin to withdraw from the city.
This event was one of three failed revolt attempts in Gonaïves during that tumultuous year, alongside a rebellion by General Hériston Hérissé in July and the brief occupation by Bazelaisiste Liberals in August, which ended with the burning of the city.
“Big Fefe” was a notorious figure associated with the Tonton Macoutes, the feared paramilitary force loyal to the Duvalier dictatorship in Haiti. Known for brutal tactics and violent repression, Big Fefe was particularly feared in Gonaïves. In 1961 or 1962, a furious mob in Gonaïves took justice into their own hands and killed him in retaliation for the murder of Emmanuel Jules Denis, a local resident from Raboteau.
The Tonton Macoutes, officially known as the Volontaires de la Sécurité Nationale (VSN), were a paramilitary organization created by François "Papa Doc" Duvalier in 1959. They were known for their brutality, state terrorism, and assassinations. Members of the VSN were often recognized by their blue denim uniforms and sunglasses, and they were feared for their violent repression of political dissent. The Tonton Macoutes were responsible for numerous human rights abuses during the Duvalier regime, and their legacy continues to be a dark chapter in Haiti's history.
The murder of Emmanuel Jules Denis and the subsequent lynching of Big Fefe by the people of Gonaïves highlighted the deep-seated resistance against the Duvalier dictatorship and the Tonton Macoutes. It was a powerful statement of the people's refusal to accept oppression and their willingness to take action against those who perpetrated it.
Colbert Bonhomme (1911-1977) was a lawyer, educator, and journalist, born in Petit-Goâve on June 28, 1911. He was married to Solange Leblanc. From 1929 to 1936, he served as the general secretary and subsequently as the vice-president of the Haitian Catholic Youth organization. He became a member of the Petit-Goâve bar in 1934 and later registered with the Port-au-Prince bar in 1941.
Co-founder and director of the weekly publication ‘Le Petit Port-au-Princien’ in 1936, he served as a professor at the Tippenhauer Institute and Saint-Justinien College. In 1940, he became the owner and director of a primary and secondary educational institution, Collège Colbert Bonhomme, located in Port-au-Prince. In 1941, he took on the roles of director and administrator of the 'Gazette du Palais'. He was appointed as a judge at the civil court of Port-au-Prince in December 1946. On May 1, 1951, he established and became the owner and director of the legal journal 'les Débats', a position he held until October 1951.
Appointed as a judge at the Court of Appeal in Port-au-Prince on October 18, 1951, he was a co-founder and advisor of the Association of Haitian Journalists. In 1953, he established the National Association of Lawyers and the Caisse populaire de la zone Nord. Following Nemours Pierre-Louis's assumption of the provisional presidency in 1957, he was nominated by the Haitian People's Party as a presidential candidate. He served as Secretary of State for Justice and National Economy from February 9, 1957, until April 1957, and held the position of Vice-President of the Court of Cassation from April 2, 1957, to August 14, 1957. On November 7, 1957, he was appointed president of the Court of Cassation. He later served as Secretary of State for Labor and Social Welfare from February 19, 1958, to June 17, 1958. In July 1958, he was appointed ambassador to the Holy See, and in January 1959, he became ambassador to England, presenting his credentials in March of the same year. He was also a member of the steering committee of the Society of History, Geography, and Geology. His pension was finalized on June 1, 1973. He passed away in Fréréole, Attily, France, on May 26, 1977, and his funeral was held at the church of Chevry-Cossigny on June 1, 1977. He is buried in Pantin, France.
Alliance with Duvalier
Bonhomme's strong alliance with François Duvalier can be traced back to the presidency of 31Dumarsais Estimé, who held office from 1946 to 1950. Both men supported Estimé as a proponent of black nationalism, or négritude, in opposition to the longstanding influence of the mulatto elite, represented by the light-skinned presidents 28Sténio Vincent and 29Élie Lescot, who served from 1930 to 1941 and 1941 to 1946, respectively. Bonhomme, a lawyer and jurist, praised Lescot's rise to the presidency in his work, Les origines et les leçons d’une révolution profonde et pacifique, published by Imp. de l’État in April 1946. Duvalier, a physician, held the position of Minister of Public Health and Labor in Lescot's cabinet from October 14, 1949, until May 10, 1950, when both he and his patron were ousted in a coup. In the eyes of Bonhomme and Duvalier, the period following the 1946 coup, from May 1950 to May 1957, represented a counter-revolution led by anti-democratic and anti-Afro-Haitian factions. A key figure in the 1950 coup was 32Paul E. Magloire, the commander of the presidential guard, who initially became a member of the junta and later emerged as its successful presidential candidate. During Magloire's presidency, both Duvalier and Bonhomme actively opposed him. Following Magloire's exile due to a military coup in 1956, Bonhomme was appointed Secrétaire d'État de la Justice et de l'Économie Nationale in the brief administration of Provisional 37President Franck Sylvain, which lasted from February 7 to April 2, 1957. At the time of his book's publication, he held the position of Vice-President of the Cour de Cassation. The narrative concludes with the elections that the military finally permitted in September 1957, in which François Duvalier emerged as one of the two main candidates. He won against a mulatto opponent from a prominent family by adopting a noiriste strategy that challenged the mulatto elite and appealed to the Afro-Haitian majority.
Auguste Borel, colonist; a planter who fought against Sonthonax in Port-au-Prince and managed to escape to Jamaica via Jacmel.
Jérôme Maximilien Borgella, on September 18, 1811, succeeded André Rigaud, who ruled the South Department since November 3, 1810. Following Rigaud's passing on the same date, Borgella was appointed as President of the Council of the South Department, serving from September 21, 1811, to March 20, 1812. He was elected by the departmental assembly as the General-in-Chief of the Army of the South and as President of the council. General Borgella pledged his allegiance to Alexandre Pétion, the President of the Republic of Haiti (South of Haiti) from 1807 to 1818, which led to the reintegration of the South Department into the broader Republic. Under the leadership of 2President Jean-Pierre Boyer, who unified Haiti in 1820 and annexed the newly independent Spanish Haiti (Santo Domingo), Borgella was entrusted with significant responsibilities. He remained steadfastly loyal to Boyer until his death on March 30, 1844, in Port-au-Prince.
Toussaint Brave was a brigadier general in the Indigenous Army of Saint-Domingue during the Haitian Revolution (1791–1804). He played a notable role in the struggle for Haiti's independence from French colonial rule and was particularly active in the northeastern region of the colony.
Brave's exact origins, including his date of birth and early life, remain obscure, as is the case with many lesser-known figures of the revolution. He likely emerged from the ranks of formerly enslaved or free Black populations who rose up during the revolutionary movement. His position as a brigadier general placed him in command of critical defensive and offensive operations in the northeast—guarding Haiti’s border with the Spanish colony of Santo Domingo and protecting key coastal routes along Fort-Liberté Bay.
Brave was part of the Indigenous Army— the unified force of formerly enslaved Africans and free people of color who fought against French, Spanish, and British forces. His leadership contributed to the control and defense of this key northeastern region, securing vital coastal and border territories during the revolutionary period. While not as widely chronicled as figures like Toussaint Louverture or Jean-Jacques Dessalines, Brave was among the numerous lesser-known generals who played essential roles in regional campaigns that collectively led to the colony's liberation.
General Brice
Broussais Brice, General, was a Haitian military leader active during the late 19th century. Born in the 1830s, Brice was involved in the political and military affairs of Haiti during a period marked by significant instability and frequent changes in leadership.
Brice was notably active during the presidency of 11Michel Domingue in the 1870s. He was named in an arrest warrant issued by presidential decree accusing him and two other generals, Monplaisir Pierre and Boisrond-Canal, of plotting a conspiracy against the government. In reality, President Domingue issued the decree to distract the public after Boisrond-Canal publicly criticized his financial policy.
After being elected president in 1874, and successfully securing a treaty of friendship with the Dominican Republic, Domingue tried to negotiate a loan with France, which would worsen Haitian finances for years. Corruption and fraud had become so great, prompting Boisrond-Canal to speak out President Domingue's policies. Thus a warrant was created for Boisrond, Monplaisir, and Brice. When soldiers attempted to arrest him, Brice bravely defended himself. However, in the course of this confrontation, he sustained a serious injury—a bullet wound to his thigh. Despite his efforts to evade capture, Brice ultimately sought refuge at the Spanish Consulate, where he succumbed to his injuries.
General Pierre Dominique Louverture Brutus was a prominent Haitian military leader during the Haitian Revolution and the early years of Haiti’s independence. He played a key role in the fight against French colonial forces, contributing significantly to the successful liberation of Haiti. Known for his loyalty and military skill, General Brutus fought alongside leaders such as Jean-Jacques Dessalines and 1Alexandre Pétion. After independence, he continued to serve as a defender of the young nation. His legacy is commemorated in Dessalines, where his tomb stands as a testament to his contributions to Haitian history.
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Raymond Cabêche didn’t just quietly oppose the U.S. occupation—he made his feelings impossible to ignore. During a crucial vote on the Haitian-American Convention, which basically handed control over key parts of Haiti to the U.S., Cabêche stood up in the Haitian parliament and threw the official insignia right onto the floor. It was a loud, clear gesture—showing he refused to accept any symbol of power that came with foreign control.
Cabêche represented Pilate as a deputy and was one of the outspoken voices of Haitian nationalism during a time when foreign forces tried to dictate the country’s future. His defiance was part of a broader movement in Gonaïves and beyond, where people resisted the occupation not just with words, but with acts that challenged the authority of the occupiers. His legacy lives on as a symbol of the fierce pride and resistance that have defined Haitian struggles for freedom.
Cacos. The Cacos Revolution of 1869 was a violent political uprising in Haiti led by rural guerilla fighters known as the Cacos. These fighters, named after a local bird symbolizing resistance, were mostly farmers and former soldiers who were unhappy with how 9President Sylvain Salnave was running the country. They believed he was acting like a dictator, mishandling the economy, and not helping the people.
The Cacos teamed up with other rebel groups, like the Piquets, and took over several towns, especially in the southern and western regions, to fight against Salnave’s government. One of the towns caught in the conflict was Dame-Marie, which was captured in Salnave’s name but later taken back by the rebels.
The fighting ended in early 1870 when Salnave was defeated, captured, and executed. The revolution showed how powerful rural groups could be in Haitian politics and how unstable the country was during that time.
Pierre Cangé, brigadier general
Jean-Baptiste Caradeux (1741-1810), nicknamed “the Cruel,” buried his enslaved workers alive and let flies eat their exposed heads while he and his assembled guests watched. In 1788, Nicholas Lejeune created a scandal by burning his enslaved men and women with torches. Neither of these planters were punished by royal authorities. French slave law limited the testimony of enslaved men and women in court and required corroboration from free people. On the rare occasions when slaveowners were prosecuted for cruelty, they were acquitted or only fined. This violence shocked some Jesuit priests who catechized the enslaved population. Claude Bréban (1695–1735), a Jesuit missionary on Saint Domingue, described to his brother in France a vivid list of the atrocities happening around him. One woman, he reported, roasted one of her enslaved people to death over a slow fire while she nonchalantly smoked a pipe. Another thrust a redhot poker into the womb of his enslaved mistress whom he suspected of being unfaithful. “All these bloodthirsty tyrants go about their merry way in the colony without ever facing the slightest objection to their cruelty.” Bréban complained, “Doesn’t that alone prove the obvious necessity of a Universal Judgment at the end of days?
Cassamajor was a French colonial military officer active during the early stages of the Haitian Revolution. In 1791, he commanded a military line (or cordon) stationed in Gonaïves. His main mission was to prevent the spread of the slave revolt—led by enslaved Black people in the northern province—from reaching the "west".
As part of his efforts to contain the uprising, Cassamajor ordered the dismantling of the military post at Camp Coq, which was considered a vulnerable or strategically unnecessary position at the time. Although little else is known about Cassamajor’s background or later life, his role marks an early attempt by colonial authorities to stop what would become the largest and most successful slave revolt in the Americas.
Victorin Chevallier
Victorin Chevallier (Sep. 12, 1815- January 1870) was a prominent figure in Haitian history during the 19th century. He served as the Secretary of War under 9President Sylvain Salnave.
Chevallier played a significant role in the political landscape of Haiti. He was known for his loyalty to Salnave, but eventually switched sides and joined the insurrection against the president. This defection had a significant impact on Salnave's downfall and the subsequent political developments in Haiti.
While there is limited information available about Chevallier's personal life, his actions and the historical context in which he lived provide valuable insights into the chaotic political climate of Haiti during that era.
Normil Chicoye, financial administrator. He led a revolt in support of Anténor Firmin, a regular member of the Society of Anthropology of Paris who was silenced by the prevailing racialist physical anthropology of the era, largely due to racial prejudice. Nord Alexis, a black landowner, and Boisrond Canal, a mulatto landowner, teamed up to stop the middle-class black man Anténor Firmin. When the town of Petit-Goâve rose up to back Firmin, Normil Chicoye, who led the uprising, was captured and shot by Boisrond Canal. Canal claimed Chicoye had betrayed them, arguing that as a mulatto, he should not have supported Firmin.
Murat Claude
Murat Claude, Born in Port-à-Piment served as Minister of Agriculture. Also served as Secretary of State for Foreign Relations during 9President Simon's administration.
Augustin Clervaux, colored man, commander of Cibao (1802) in the East. Described as a man of good spirit.
Mizrael Codio was a Caco General. In 1916, he and 10 of his men were executed by US Marines after being captured at Fonds-Verrettes.
General Hyacinthe Colas was a prominent military leader during the Haitian Revolution, particularly active in the mid-1790s. Known for his mastery of guerrilla tactics, Colas commanded a highly mobile force that struck unpredictably, gaining a reputation for vanishing into the countryside and reappearing without warning to surprise enemy forces. His army specialized in ambushes and rapid maneuvers, allowing them to harass both rival Haitian factions and foreign occupiers effectively.
Colas achieved notable victories against two of his former allies, Jean-François and Biassou, rebel leaders who had aligned themselves with Spain during the earlier stages of the revolution. After Spain signed the Treaty of Basel in 1795—ceding Santo Domingo to France and ending its involvement in the war—many of the disbanded black soldiers under Spanish command shifted their allegiance to the French, particularly to the rising leader Toussaint Louverture, who had by then been promoted to brigadier general.
Amid this shifting geopolitical landscape, Colas emerged as a formidable opponent to the British, who had seized control of various coastal towns in Saint-Domingue. Although Colas’s forces could not fully expel the British, they continuously disrupted their operations and supply lines. In Grande-Saline, local accounts recall his capture by the British during their 1795 occupation of the region, before his subsequent liberation by Louverture’s advancing troops.
While less well-known than Louverture or Dessalines, General Colas remains an important—if under-documented—figure in the revolutionary struggle, remembered especially for his tactical ingenuity, independence, and pivotal role in the volatile year of 1795, when the Haitian revolutionary movement entered a new and decisive phase.
Bébé Coutard was the spearhead of a major march in March 1792 when several thousand newly freed people, stirred up by French revolutionary commissioner Sonthonax, advanced on Croix‑des‑Bouquets—not to support Halaou, but to retaliate for his death and what they saw as a massacre of the black insurgents.
According to contemporary reports, “several thousand new free” under the leadership of “a certain Bébé Coutard” invaded Croix‑des‑Bouquets “pour venger l'affront de Sonthonax” —that is, to avenge the disgrace against Sonthonax’s authority. Their intent was to support the revolutionary decree and assert power against white or mulatto inhabitants in the village.
Despite his name sounding like a diminutive or nickname (Bébé), it’s unclear whether Coutard was a former maroon, a free man of color, or a second-tier revolutionary officer. Historians do not record his full first name or background. Some genealogies link the Coutard family to whites in Saint-Domingue (such as Guy and Pierre Coustard), but there's no direct evidence that “Bébé” was from the same lineage.
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Daguin was a free man of color who stood out during the March 1792 conflict at Croix-des-Bouquets. According to contemporary sources, thousands of newly freed Black people—spurred on by the French revolutionary commissioner Sonthonax—advanced under Bébé Coutard, intent on taking control of the village. In response, Daguin and a group of colored men fortified themselves inside the local church, determined to fight to the end. In a moment of striking boldness, Daguin stepped forward with a rifle, traversed the stunned crowd, and confronted Bébé Coutard directly. He succeeded in shooting him, a daring move that sent the insurgents into panic and caused them to disperse. Daguin’s audacious act effectively turned the tide, allowing General Beauvais and his forces to reassert control over the village.
At first, people saw Daguin’s actions as a brave and bold move. But later, some historians said it was also a smart military tactic, similar to other strategies used during the revolution. His shot didn’t just save the people hiding in the church—it also showed how complicated the situation was, with many changing alliances between different racial and political groups during the early days of the Haitian Revolution.
Dalzon, black leader who with Père Castel, organized rebellions in 1843 demanding an end to discrimination by the light-skinned elite. In some respects, the crisis of 1843–1848 mirrored the revolutionary events of the 1790s, where Vincent Ogé had organized an insurrectionary conspiracy to demand that the whites respect the rights of mixed-race property owners. Political agitation against Boyer’s regime began among privileged intermediate social groups and liberal opposition parliamentarians.
Capitán Ramón Dardignac, a Chilean naval officer and the strongest supporter of 14President Légitime, played a significant role in Haiti’s political and military affairs during the late 19th century. He is best remembered for commanding Chilean warships that bombarded the commune of Grand-Gosier on July 14, 1889, in response to an uprising led by the Rabel family of Saltrou against the Haitian government. Dardignac’s involvement marked a crucial episode in Haiti’s turbulent political history. He was ultimately killed at Cap-Rouge while fighting the rebels from Marigot and Saltrou.
Renaud Desruisseaux, commander of the Central district. On March 21, 1796, he successfully repelled the two assaults made upon Léogane by the British.
Delpèche, batallion chief, commander of Petit-Goâve. Recieved the French during 1802 invasion.
Alfred Delva was 9Sylvain Salnave’s Minister of Finance during the final months of Salnave’s presidency. He held the post from November 29 to December 19, 1869.
As Salnave’s regime crumbled during the brutal Cacos Revolution, Delva was captured alongside other top officials on January 15, 1870 at Anses‑à‑Pitre. He was then brought to Croix‑des‑Bouquets, where the revolutionary forces seized and executed him that same morning.
JPD1799
Jean-Pierre Delva, Colonel, was a key officer in André Rigaud's forces during the Haitian Revolution, especially recognized for his involvement in the War of the South (1799–1800). He was a member of Rigaud's close circle, acting as a battalion commander alongside other prominent leaders like Faubert, Dartiguenave, and Geffrard. Delva took part in significant battles, including the Battle of Thozin, where Rigaud was injured.
Following the war, Delva remained active in the Haitian military. In 1807, after returning to Haiti, President 1Alexandre Pétion promoted him to the rank of general, acknowledging his military expertise and loyalty. Delva was given command near Aquin, where he showed his dedication to the unity of the Haitian Republic. His letters to Rigaud in 1810 highlight his attempts to prevent civil strife and uphold national unity.
Delva's legacy is also honored in France, where he rests in Montmartre Cemetery in Paris. His impact on Haiti's military history and his role in the republic's formative years emphasize his importance during a crucial time in Haitian history.
Doret, Engineer, was the Haitian civil engineer responsible for designing and overseeing the construction of the Pont du Bac (Bac Bridge), which was inaugurated on August 11, 1903. This bridge, constructed under the presidency of 15Florvil Hyppolite, marked a significant advancement in Haiti's infrastructure, enhancing connectivity within the Grand'Anse region.
The Pont du Bac was notable for its engineering design and materials. However, over time, concerns have arisen regarding the presence of hazardous materials, such as asbestos, in its construction, leading to environmental and health considerations.
While specific biographical details about Engineer Doret remain scarce, his contribution to Haitian civil engineering through the Pont du Bac underscores the role of local engineers in shaping the nation's infrastructure during the early 20th century.
Charles Dubay, a deputy, accomplished writer, and distinguished lawyer, fostered robust connections with individuals from diverse backgrounds.
Pierre Dumontellier, ex-colonist from the Artibonite, produced a memoir in which the crimes of the Desdunes are unveiled. Here is an extract from it that we have copied out. I urge readers to keep in mind that these are the words of a colonist:
It is important to tell the reader that Sieur Desdunes would have liked to have someone with him for protection. This was not just to defend against attacks from men of color, but to help ease the fear in his heart. He was relentlessly tormented by spirits of the many victims he had harmed out of unfounded suspicions. Everywhere he looked, he felt he saw their ghostly visages, reminders of his lustful passion, stirring up the anger of their families who remembered their suffering. This troubling thought made him long for a group of people to help control the anger of those he had wronged.
Now, let’s return to the actions of the colonists. Mondoga would beat any of his slaves to death if he thought they were practicing witchcraft. He even had his mistress buried alive. His neighbor, Poirier de Bocalar, would put iron collars on his slaves and muzzle them, allowing them to starve; when they were in this state, the only food he provided was human waste. Under the orders of magistrate Rivière, heads were chopped off and thrown into the Artibonite River, and anyone under his command faced harsh beatings, whether they were slaves or free. Lameau the younger, a settler from La Saline, drowned a woman in the Artibonite River because she refused to satisfy his brutal lust. Preval, wanting to show off his shooting skills, shot his coach driver dead with one bullet. On the Dessolier plantation near Saint-Marc, Lefèvre would bury slaves up to their necks, using their heads for target practice. He even had holes dug to fit pregnant women’s bellies so he could whip them at his convenience. Latoison-Laboule, another settler from Saint-Marc and Croix-des-Bouquets, took cruelty to new heights, exhibiting shocking cruelty towards the frail and elderly who could no longer contribute. He would sometimes tear off their fingernails or toss them into blazing furnaces along with the leftover cane trash. For a single broken cane stalk, he would extract two teeth from the offender, and for a second infraction, four teeth would be the price. He forced them to consume from bowls contaminated with human waste. Saintard, another settler with a sugar plantation in Arcahaye, was responsible for the deaths of a staggering number of blacks. Jarosay the elder resorted to cutting off the tongues of his house slaves to ensure their silence. Drouet, a settler from La Montagne, would have blacks crushed in his coffee mill if he felt they weren’t picking the beans quickly enough, or else he would have them drowned in coffee basins. Gerbaud, residing near Montrouis, used to have two enormous mastiffs follow him around, and in the early days of the revolution he entertained himself by letting these mastiffs gorge on children, in order, so he said, to terrify the blacks and dissuade them from taking part in the insurrections. The notorious Caradeux the elder, a settler from Cul-de-Sac, meted out horrific punishments for minor offenses. He would inflict two hundred lashes on his black people, and if that seemed insufficient, he would bury them up to their necks, leaving them to perish slowly from starvation. He even went so far as to kill his wife, Demoiselle de Roche Blanche, with a single brutal kick, motivated by her desperate plea for a man he had intended to eliminate in his customary brutal fashion. This vile act had no effect on the fate of the unfortunate victim, who was sacrificed all the same. His relentless cruelty led to the decline of his plantation, leaving it without workers for years, as traders refused to provide him with laborers. Known for his impulsive nature, he would assault these traders, resorting to kicks and chair attacks when they dared to ask for payment, something that often had to be done over pistol shots. This behavior led to a fateful duel with Lacombe the younger, a trader from Port-au-Prince. Such events are widely recognized in the community. The law was powerless against him; as a prominent plantation owner, he believed he was entitled to act as he pleased.
Bauduy, a retired judge from the Superior Council of Port-au-Prince and a resident of the Bellevue district, one afternoon ordered the flogging to death of his confectioner for presenting him with sweets that he deemed were poorly made. Nicolas the elder, a settler residing in Port-au-Prince, was often seen accompanied by a child of approximately eleven or twelve years, who trailed behind him, holding the tail of his horse. One day, the boy, tired from the long walk, let go and fell to the ground. Upon his return, the cruel Nicolas had the child placed in a large kettle and boiled over a fierce fire, demonstrating the barbarity he employed to punish an innocent child for an unintentional mistake. He was known for cutting off the tongues and ears of his slaves. His reputation for cruelty became so widespread that a council decree banned him from buying any more slaves. Saint-Victor's brutal actions led to many deaths on the Boutin plantation. Similarly, Commanne the younger, who oversaw the Poix-la-Générale plantation in Arcahaye, also caused considerable devastation to that estate. Baron Delugé, a settler from Montrouis, who was often referred to as the "good white man," had one of his slaves beaten to death; the heart of the unfortunate victim was still beating when he was buried under Delugé's direct supervision. He was indeed a good white man; judge from this good white man and his act of humanity what the rest of them were like. Bernard Pemerle, from the plains of Les Cayes, heated griddles used for making cassava bread to a scorching temperature and forced his slaves to sit upon them, leaving them to suffer on the searing metal. This method of torture was similarly employed by Champloi, a settler from Ravine du Sud, and Périgni, a settler from the plains of Les Cayes, when executing their blacks.
Carouge, the overseer of the Codere sugar plantation located four leagues from Les Cayes, commanded that his chief sugar boiler be crushed beneath the massive wheel of the mill, claiming that the man was damaging the sugar. A certain Mistress Jean-Bart had one of her house slaves beaten to death; during this brutal act, strips of flesh were torn from the girl’s body, after which the remains were covered in gunpowder. When one of her negresses suffered the tragedy of losing a child, another woman, Bailly from the Cape, ordered a wooden substitute to be crafted and affixed to the grieving mother’s neck with an iron chain until she bore another child. This punishment, ironically, provided some relief to the woman, as her mistress was notorious for throwing individuals into her lime kiln at Carenage while they were still alive. Madame Sarthe, a settler residing in the Cul-de-Sac plain, routinely inflicted four to five hundred lashes on the blacks who were unlucky enough to be under her command. One of her servants was beaten to death for merely speaking with a white man who had come to visit her. Another cruel woman, Siouaret Ducoudrai, would administer two to three hundred lashes, subsequently pouring newly melted sealing wax over the wounds, drop by drop. If Madame Cotte discovered any black women who had formed relationships with men capable of liberating them from slavery, she would have them whipped until they were dead. On days designated for rest, such as Sundays and feast days, Madame Momance, a settler from Léogane, would gather her group of slaves and give them a severe thrashing, claiming to punish them for witchcraft and sorcery; several died as a result of this ruthless treatment.
Never has there existed a woman as fierce as the one whose name I am about to reveal: Madame Charette, a settler and resident of Saint-Louis. Under her command, iron masks were fashioned, capable of being securely locked, with the keys held solely by her. Should she wish to inflict suffering upon one of her unfortunate subjects, she would affix a mask upon them; once secured, the wretched individual could barely move their head and could only eat or drink at the discretion of this infernal woman, who would allow her victim to perish from hunger or thirst. When her son seduced one of her servants, she devised a particularly horrific form of punishment, which she oversaw personally: she had nails driven into a large barrel, creating a circle of spikes within. Once this was completed, she summoned the unfortunate girl along with her fellow servants; taking a razor, she cut off the ears of the victim, preparing her for the most agonizing torture. Despite the servant's condition—being pregnant with the son of this infernal woman—which would have softened the heart of even the most brutal, and despite her pleas and tears, Madame Charette commanded the other servants, who were closest to the victim, to seize her and cast her into the barrel, which was promptly sealed at both ends. She then ordered it to be rolled to the summit of a steep hill by those same servants; upon reaching the top, she commanded them to release the barrel, which then plunged into the abyss. At the bottom, she had the barrel broken open, and the girl, still alive, was dragged out to be thrown onto a fire and burned alive. Right next to this tigress is where we should place Venault de Charmilly, a settler and owner of a sugar plantation in Cavaillon. These two monsters, male and female, would have formed a most fitting pair had they been united, the most despicable couple that ever saw the light of day. Although a full unveiling of this man’s shameful conduct must await another day, I will here analyse this swindler’s crimes in order to give some idea of his moral character.
An enormous sugar boiler
Venault de Charmilly subjected his blacks to horrific fates; he had them burned alive and tossed into the sugar-boiler along with the cane trash, personally overseeing these appalling executions. For a slight infraction, he would inflict the harshest of punishments. If he called for someone and that individual failed to hear him, he would seize the unfortunate soul and rip off their ears with a pair of tongs; if a response to his inquiry was unsatisfactory, he would extract their tongue; and if someone was accused of stealing food, he would remove their teeth, again using the tongs, his preferred tool for inflicting torture and mutilation upon his luckless subjects. Venault de Charmilly, please inform us, what crime did your poor coach driver Jean-Philippe commit? What did he do to you to deserve such an inhuman treatment? As a hater of the black people, you likely thought your crimes, like those of other colonists, would be forgotten. You believed this, or else even someone as bold as you would not have dared to paint your imaginary picture of the happiness you claimed we enjoyed under colonial rule. You would not have had the nerve to challenge the work of Mr. Bryan Edwards, who has written more truthfully and knowledgeably about Saint-Domingue during his short time there than you could ever do, even after a century of living and studying the island.
But let us return to the crime you committed on the person of the poor black man, Jean-Philippe, your coach driver. As you read over this passage, gather your strength and wallow once again in the blood of that poor wretch, who at your orders was placed in your horses’ feeding trough and pounded until his crushed body was nothing more than a mass of shreds and tatters. Before averting your eyes from this horrendous spectacle, be so good as to inform us of the nature of his crime. What led to such a horrific act of torture? And now be so good as to inform us: who are happier, the peasants of Europe or the blacks, those miserable subjects of yours whom you treated in so disgraceful a manner? Mistress Delorme, settler, resident of Ravine Blanche, Cavaillon, is another lady worthy of occupying a place right next to this Charmilly. She had her house slaves tied to the four posts and torn asunder, after which she would have them laid face up on a plank, where they would be pinned down with nails. Rambault, settler, resident of Cavaillon, had them pounded in the trough of his coffee mill; he whipped them to death, and poured hot ash or brine over their wounds. Lartigue, settler, resident of Cavaillon, had the four limbs of his house slave Joseph sawn off, and then he had the man buried alive. Lestaille, settler, resident of Cavaillon, had them pounded in his coffee mill; for a slight infraction, he would tear off ears and teeth, and he would have them strung up by the heels. Gournaud, owner of a sugar plantation at Cavaillon, had them burned alive in furnaces along with the cane-trash; he also had them drowned with fifty-pound weights or with stones attached to their necks. Grandié, owner of a sugar plantation at Cavaillon, had her house slaves Baptise and Zabeth thrashed to death for having offended her, after which she had their bodies taken and hurled into a cauldron of boiling sugar. Delmas, a settler and resident of Cavaillon, chained his blacks to a stake that was exposed to all the elements, and he buried them alive. Antoine, his head cart-driver, suffered this calamitous fate. Rousseau Lagaudraie, owner of a coffee plantation at Ravine Blanche, Cavaillon, had his blacks put in chains and left them in this miserable state to be gorged on by his dogs.
Lopinau, a settler residing in Voldrogue, Jérémie, subjected his blacks to brutal beatings that resulted in their deaths, subsequently roasting their remains in his bakery oven. Bellance, another settler from Plymouth, resorted to chaining his enslaved individuals, burying them alive, and inflicting severe beatings while applying lemon, pepper, and salt to their open wounds. Mistress Clément, a settler in Fond Rouge, Jérémie, also had her slaves beaten to death, burned in intense furnaces, and had hot ashes or pepper applied to their wounds. Farouge, hailing from Fond Rouge, burned his slaves alive after keeping them bound to a stake for an extended duration. His neighbor, Jouvence, engaged in similar acts of brutality. Mistress le Roi had her slaves clubbed to death, while Mistress Lamestière exhibited the same cruelty. Guilgaud, a settler from the plains of Les Cayes at Fond Vert, was particularly notorious for his cruelty; he chained his blacks to a stake, opened up large wounds on their bodies, and left them to be fed upon by worms. The sound of the whip was a constant presence in his plantation. Gelin, who owned a sugar plantation in Jérémie, had his slaves thrown into boiling sugar cauldrons. Naud, at Fond Rouge, chained his blacks to a stake and left them there to die, exposed to the rain and the heat. Petit Gas and Bocalin, settlers from Jérémie, similarly chained their slaves and abandoned them to perish. Chevalier Lafite, a settler in La Seringue, Jérémie, had one of his house slaves crushed in a coffee mill, while the rest of his slaves suffered and died under the whip. Tauzias, a settler in Fond Rouge and Plymouth, roasted his enslaved individuals on cassava griddles and buried them alive. It is noteworthy that these two individuals were among those who visited his majesty Louis XVIII to request the restoration of the colonies. Should they return, it is anticipated that they will continue their heinous acts of violence against their blacks. Desormeaux, a settler in Trou Bonbon, established a permanent gallows on his plantation, using it to hang people at his pleasure. Contenssans, at Cap-Rouge, Jacmel, burned his blacks and he hanged them; he had them whipped, ruthlessly.
Cagnette and Pradel, settlers from that same place, subjected individuals to hanging by their heels. Similarly, Saligné, Bégeste, and Féraux engaged in acts of cruelty comparable to those of Cagnette and Pradel. Baudoin, Duluc, Megnier, and Rabond, all settlers residing in Jacmel, brutally thrashed individuals to death; under their orders, red-hot branding irons were applied to the victims' wounds. Lantagnac and Lachaudière, settlers, residents of Anse-à-Veau, had several of their luckless blacks hanged and burned alive; others would die from a whipping or the harrowing punishment of [being tied to] the four posts. Remi Gourdette, Bonhomme Gourdette, Clery, Martel, Barthe, and Périgné, all hailing from Anse-à-Veau, committed the same acts of cruelty. Langlade, a settler from Anse-à-Veau, invented his own special form of torture, which I have yet to come across in the extensive records of crimes committed by the colonists. Whoever he wanted to subject to this torture was first laid hold of and given two or three hundred lashes, after which he would have the man placed inside a hive of ants, where the poor wretch died a most excruciating death, devoured by the bites of those insects. The Lainé brothers, Honoré and Arnauld, each had their blacks burned alive and also inflicted fatal whippings upon them; they further allowed their victims to perish from starvation. Welch, settler and resident of Torbeck, together with his white manager Dehais, committed the following crime: Dehais often complained that Welch’s gang of slaves was involved in witchcraft. When one of his natural children died, he insisted that it was the gang’s macandals who had committed this alleged crime, and Welch and Dehais set off to the place where the entire gang was at work hoeing land. Having no way of knowing for certain who in the gang was responsible for killing Dehais’s child, they coolly selected twelve of these men and women at random; the gang was then ordered to dig a pit, wide and deep, on that very spot. The twelve hapless victims were ordered into the pit and made to go down on their knees. First, quicklime was thrown on them, then the pit was filled up with earth. And so it was that twelve human victims were buried alive for an alleged crime they did not commit.
We are going to report one last fact that will serve to characterize the colonists’ soul in a single stroke. Mistress Langlois owned a sugar plantation in the plains of Les Cayes. One day, her overseer reported an unfortunate incident: "Madame, it is with regret that I inform you a poor negress, while feeding cane into the mill, had her arm caught. I had no option but to sever the arm immediately to save the rest of her body from being drawn in." Seated calmly, Mistress Langlois listened to the overseer and replied, "Well, it would not have been such a calamity, all things considered, if her body had not potentially spoiled my cane juice."
It is beyond my capacity to continue detailing such horrors. The courage and fortitude required to document the countless atrocities committed by the colonists during the colonial era is immense; it would necessitate entire volumes. The brief account I have provided of the suffering we endured suffices to illustrate the character of the colonists. The wives of these perpetrators proved equally proficient at such acts; in terms of depravity and indecency, many of these women—the disgrace of their gender—matched or even exceeded the men, engaging in the most heinous excesses, unimaginable crimes, and unparalleled cruelty. To the discredit of France, not one of the individuals mentioned has faced the consequences their vile actions deserve; none have received even the slightest punishment for their transgressions. Colonists, those of you who remain alive, name a single one of your peers whose guilty head has been brought down by the law's sword. I challenge you to prove me wrong.
History shows no other group like the colonists of Saint-Domingue in their level of criminality. Every nation has had its share of villains, which is a sad reality for humanity. However, no other time or place has seen a crowd of forty to fifty thousand ruthless individuals, each one comparable to notorious figures like Nero or Phalaris, and their women akin to Messalina or Fredegund. When we consider the questionable backgrounds of these colonists, it becomes clear that they could not have become anything different from what they were: people from the lowest classes, guilty of various crimes; escaped convicts; drifters; indentured servants; and so on. Such origins could only lead to monstrous outcomes.
Escaping a homeland that had driven them away in terror, these individuals arrived on these shores, seeking to conceal their disgrace and, above all, to amass wealth at any cost. They resorted to the most unlawful and nefarious methods to fulfill their ambitions. Far removed from the metropolis, where the laws were rendered ineffective—perpetually evaded and unenforced by officials under their influence—these arrogant colonists, familiar with the tyranny of colonial rule, acknowledged no authority greater than the laws they scorned and the magistrates they controlled. They engaged in every conceivable crime with the confidence of being untouchable, subjecting the island's inhabitants to the most horrific oppression. Louis XIV, in his futile efforts, sought to regulate the brutal and immoral behavior of the colonists through royal decrees aimed at improving the conditions of free people of color and enslaved individuals. However, his noble intentions bore no fruit, as the regulations were consistently ignored and ultimately rendered obsolete. Consequently, each plantation was ruled by a white despot, who wielded the barbaric power of life and death over the unfortunate blacks in their charge. This horrific privilege allowed death to loom over us as it did over the most wretched creatures; when they chose to inflict it, their only hesitation lay in deciding the method of punishment. On their plantations, the large landowners constructed dungeons of various shapes and sizes, designed for the specific tortures they intended to impose on their victims. These dungeons featured cells meticulously crafted to fit the dimensions of the intended victim, such that the victim would die while standing, without being able to change posture.
In other dungeons (those of Desdunes were built in this manner) the walls were lined with iron rings, such that the man fastened to them would have each of his limbs as well as his neck clamped to the wall; in this desperate situation, a sharp wooden stake was the only point of support on which the poor wretch could rest his buttocks and relieve himself of the weight of his body. In the furthest recess of that particular dungeon was a small hermetically sealed cell, where the victim could suffocate to death in a few short hours. Other dungeons were built in dank and miry locations (such were those of Gallifet, Montalibor, Milot, Latour Duroc, and almost all of the plantations belonging to the big planters), where the victims died a watery death, killed by the cold and the damp which cut off the circulation of the blood. In addition to these ghastly dungeons, the colonists in their savagery devised a thousand varied instruments of torture: iron bars; enormous iron collars with long prongs sticking out; thumb-screws; manacles; fetters; iron masks; chains; and more. Why! Why in heaven’s name was all this apparatus of death and torture reserved for innocent victims, who would submit at the slightest provocation!!!… And last of all, the terrifying punishment of the four posts, which was always at the ready on plantations, in cities and towns: the four limbs of the victim were fastened to the posts, and the middle of the body was held in place by an iron hoop, which prevented it from moving. Others would have the condemned slave stretched out on a ladder, and bound tight to it, while two drivers (who would be relieved by a fresh pair, when the first two tired) lashed the body, a hundred times over, tore it asunder, while the victim groaned in misery, called out for help, did whatever the pain prompted, whatever might incite the pity of a barbaric master. Alas! These unavailing cries would melt into air, they would merge with the sound of the whip that echoed through our mountains. The colonist in all his atrocity, unmoved, deaf to these cries, as unyielding as the powers of hell, gazed long and hard upon this horrifying spectacle! Far from being touched with pity, he would look on as new forms of torment were prepared, at his command, to stifle the cries of the victim: he would put a gag in the mouth, or a redhot ember. To glut his frenzied rage the tormentor had his choice of caustic and searing substances at his disposal—brine, salt, pepper, hot ash, boiling oil or lard, sealing wax, gunpowder—that he could spread over the bleeding body, and his ingredient of choice would mingle with the poor wretch’s blood, causing him to suffer inexpressible pain; at other times, he would have irons brought to a red heat, which were then applied to the martyr’s body.
The sounds of the whip and the cries of the oppressed replaced the morning crow of the rooster, as noted by Wimpffen, who chronicled the events in Saint-Domingue during the revolution, and his observations hold true. It is astonishing that a white individual named Lataille, known as the Thrasher, brazenly promoted his services of administering beatings to black individuals for a mere fee of four bits per hundred lashes, ultimately amassing a considerable fortune. This grim reality was well-known in Cap-Henry, where he practiced this disgraceful trade. Those unfortunate souls lacking the strength or resolve to withstand the brutal punishments meted out for the slightest transgressions would flee into the forests to escape such suffering. In response, their savage masters, enraged by the escape of their captives, would pursue them into these sanctuaries that offered a brief respite from oppression. This pursuit gave rise to the infamous man-hunts, where maroons were tracked down and exterminated as if they were wild animals; the successful hunt was often measured by the number of lives taken, with a dozen being deemed a triumph. Frequently, in the absence of maroons, these despicable hunters would resort to killing the unfortunate slaves they had brought along, in order to claim the bounty offered by the government for each maroon captured. Thus, the wretched slaves were equated with the most base of creatures. Public records reflect this dehumanization, listing slaves alongside horses, cattle, mules, and hogs, indicating that a human being could be sold in the same manner as livestock. To substantiate these claims, we present a verbatim transcription of a ruling from the Council of the Cape, sourced from Moreau de Saint-Méry’s compilation.
Haytian women found themselves vulnerable to the vile actions of these depraved men, who subjected them to unimaginable horrors. It is chilling to consider the countless victims sacrificed to the whims of jealousy; on mere suspicion, they faced severe beatings or even death. Those who resisted the lascivious desires of these men endured unimaginable suffering before their demise. Whether married, in a relationship with a black man, or innocent young girls still under their mothers' care, no distinction was made by the colonists in their immoral pursuits. This arrogant master disregarded all natural laws, acting with cruelty and without remorse; death awaited anyone who dared to obstruct his desires by voicing their objections. Men witnessed their wives being taken away, powerless to intervene; mothers saw their daughters forcibly removed from their embrace, unable to voice any complaints against such extreme brutality and injustice.
The author indicates that this description represents only a fraction of the reality, with 20,000 colonists residing in the colony of Saint-Domingue for 126 years, from 1665, when the French arrived, until the onset of the revolution in 1791, which continued until 1804. This account does not take into consideration Spain's, earlier more violent 173-year involvement in the region between 1492 to 1665.
The irony: In 1825, France conditioned its grant of recognition to the new nation of Haiti on the payment of 150 million francs plus trade benefits. The payments were, at least in part, compensation for the losses that French plantation owners suffered, a key part of which was the loss of enslaved Haitians.
Michel Dupont served as a Haitian senator between 1870 and June 1874. He was active in the political sphere of Haiti during a time of significant upheaval and frequent changes in government. He died 1874 in Port-au-Prince.
Saint-Martin Dupuy was a prominent landowner and intellectual from the northern region of Haiti. In August 1888, he joined a significant political movement in Cap-Haïtien, which included figures like General Seide Thélémaque, 19Cincinnatus Leconte, and Augustin Guillaume. This movement aimed to challenge the government of 15President Florvil Hyppolite, who was seen as authoritarian. The group marched toward Port-au-Prince to assert what they termed “the people’s sovereignty”.
Saint-Martin Dupuy's involvement in this movement underscores his active role in Haitian politics during the late 19th century (1800s).
Dutreilh, no first name available, was credited with representing the city of Corail in the first House of Commons meeting in 1817.
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Saint‑Lucien Emmanuel, General, was a close associate of 9President Sylvain Salnave, serving as his private secretary. Initially loyal, he eventually betrayed Salnave during the chaotic final days of the government in late 1869.
Emmanuel’s ambition and influence at court made him a target of jealousy and suspicion. According to contemporaries, he played a key role in steering Salnave toward harsh decisions—decisions that cost Salnave popular support. When Salnave’s regime began to collapse under revolt, Emmanuel was arrested alongside other officials. On January 15, 1870, he was captured at Anses‑à‑Pitre, brought to Croix‑des‑Bouquets, and summarily executed with several other Salnave loyalists just before Salnave himself was tried and executed.
Jean-Baptiste Errié (sometimes spelled "Errie") was one of 9President Sylvain Salnave’s top aides during the 1869–1870 Cacos Revolution in Haiti. He served as a minister - internal affairs role - supporting Salnave’s government as it faced growing rebellion.
On January 15, 1870, after Salnave’s regime collapsed, Errié was captured alongside other key officials—Saint‑Lucien Emmanuel, Alfred Delva, and Ulysses Obas—at Anses‑à‑Pitre. They were taken to Croix‑des‑Bouquets, where they were summarily executed by the victorious revolutionary forces
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Prosper Faure, served as the Prime Minister of Defense from May 15, 1874 to April 24, 1876. Died in Kingston, 1874.
Joseph Alexandre Ferrand de Beaudière (c. 1707–1789) served as an officer in the Volunteer Grenadiers of St. Domingo during the American War of Independence. He was a lawyer at the Paris Parliament and held several prominent positions in St. Domingo, including king’s counsel, civil and criminal judge, and lieutenant-general of the admiralty for Petit Goâve. In 1789, he submitted a petition to the newly established Provincial Assembly advocating for the local gens de couleur (free people of color), some of whom had fought alongside him in America. He was subsequently arrested; however, a mob intervened, seizing him and ultimately executing him by decapitation.
Siffra Fortuné was a notorious Piquet leader who controlled the area around Baradères in the South, 1869.
Eustache Fremont was born in Petit-Goâve in 1781 to a father who was a freedman. He actively participated in the War of Independence and undertook several missions in France. His contributions as a Colonel led to his appointment as Senator of the Republic on October 6, 1830.
Germain Frère, Brigadier General, aide-de-camp to His Majesty the Emperor Jacques the 1st. Served as the 12th regiment commanding officer of the Western Army, at Fort National and Touron in Port-au-Prince. Also served as commander of the district of Port-au-Prince (this is the famous Germain Frère, born on the estate of that name).
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Cora Geffrard
Cora Geffrard, (Wife and mother; 1832-1859) Cora was born in Les Cayes and married with Mannevilles Blandfort in July 1859. Tragically, in September of the same year, Cora was murdered by Timoleon Vanon as part of a scheme aimed at usurping her father, Fabre Geffrard, the 8th President of Haiti. Although Cora lost her life, the plot ultimately failed, and Geffrard survived. This incident led to what would become the most significant murder trial in Haiti and the entire Caribbean during the 19th century.
General Gabart was a prominent Haitian military leader who played a crucial role in the Haitian Revolution. He was one of the generals under the command of Jean-Jacques Dessalines, the leader of the revolution.
Gabart participated in several key battles, including the Battle of Vertières, which was a decisive victory for the Haitian forces against the French. His bravery and military skills contributed significantly to Haiti's independence from France.
While less well-known than some of his contemporaries, Gabart's contributions to the Haitian Revolution were essential in securing the country's freedom.
Gédéus Gédéon served as a Minister of Justice within the Ministry of Justice and Public Security from November 9, 1900, to May 12, 1902.
Louis Gentil-Tippenhauer (1867-1959) was a German scientist who had been living in Port-au-Prince since 1897. There he worked as the city's chief engineer: he was responsible in particular for the construction of the first narrow-gauge railway in the country.
Augustin Guillaume was a prominent intellectual and political figure from Cap-Haïtien, active during the late 19th century. He was a key participant in the 1888 political movement that opposed President 15Florvil Hyppolite's administration. On August 5, 1888, General Seide Thélémaque, the military commander of Cap-Haïtien, initiated a rebellion against President Hyppolite. Guillaume, along with other notable figures such as General Borno Mompoint, 17Nord Alexis (who would later become president), and landowner Saint-Martin Dupuy, joined the uprising. They marched toward Port-au-Prince, aiming to challenge the government's authority and assert what they termed "the people's sovereignty"
At the time, Guillaume served as the director of the Lycée National in Cap-Haïtien. His involvement in the rebellion highlights his active participation in the political landscape of Haiti during that period. The movement, however, was unsuccessful in its objectives. Despite this, Guillaume's role underscores the significant influence of intellectuals and educators in shaping the political discourse in Haiti during the late 19th century.
Sully Gurrier, General, was a military leader and politician in Haiti during the early 1800s. He was born in 1826 and played a significant role in Haiti's political and military scene during the late 19th century.
Guerrier's career included serving as a general in the Haitian army and being involved in the political turmoil that characterized Haiti during that era. In 1891, he was involved in the overthrow of President Florvil Hyppolite. Guerrier was one of the leaders of a coup d'état that sought to remove Hyppolite from power. However, the coup ultimately failed, and Guerrier was captured and executed for his role in the rebellion.
Gurrier's actions were part of the ongoing struggle to deal with the political chaos and military issues that marked Haiti's early years as a free nation. Sully Guerrier has been referred to as "an obscure General." On May 28, during the Corpus Christi celebrations, while President Hippolyte was at the Cathedral of Port au Prince, he reportedly led a group of outlaws to attack a prison, break down the doors, and freed the inmates inside.
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Halaou (sometimes spelled Halalou or Halou) was an African-born maroon leader in the Cul-de-Sac plain near Port-au-Prince during the early stages of the Haitian Revolution. In 1791, amid the growing rebellion of enslaved people and maroons across Saint-Domingue, Halaou emerged as a prominent figure commanding a significant force of maroons and recently freed blacks—possibly numbering in the thousands. He was known not only for his military leadership but also for his ritual authority, reportedly carrying a white cock, a symbol believed to hold spiritual or protective significance rooted in African tradition.
In early 1792, Halaou met with the revolutionary French commissioner Sonthonax in Port-au-Prince, possibly to negotiate cooperation or terms of alliance. However, tensions between different factions—including maroons, free people of color, and revolutionary French forces—were high. In March 1792, Halaou was invited to a supposed diplomatic meeting in Croix-des-Bouquets, where he was ambushed and assassinated, most likely by troops loyal to André Rigaud or Beauvais, officers allied with the revolutionary commissioners. His death was followed by violent reprisals, and many of his followers were killed or scattered.
Halaou’s story is emblematic of the chaotic and factional nature of the revolution’s early years. His assassination reflects the deep distrust between the French revolutionary authorities and independent African or maroon leaders. It also underscores the fragile alliances between the different social and racial groups vying for power in a colony on the brink of collapse and transformation.
Halaou’s first name is not recorded in surviving historical sources—“Halaou” (or Halalou, Halou, Halaou aîné) appears to be his full known name or possibly a mononym, which was common among African-born maroons and leaders in Saint-Domingue.
Given that Halaou was likely of African origin and possibly held ritual or spiritual authority, the name may have been:
A title, nickname, or war name, rather than a birth name.
Derived from an African language or cultural tradition, possibly of Kongolese, Fon, or Mandé origin, though the exact etymology is unclear.
No sources from colonial archives, the revolutionary commissioners, or later Haitian historians (like Madiou or Ardouin) record a separate first name for him.
Hauteville-House, March 31, 1860.
You are, sir, a noble example of this black humanity so long oppressed and unrecognized.
From one end of the earth to the other, the same flame is in man; and blacks like you prove it. Were there several Adams? Naturalists can discuss the question; but what is certain is that there is only one God.
Since there is only one father, we are brothers.
It is for this truth that John Brown died; it is for this truth that I fight. You thank me for it, and I cannot tell you how much your beautiful words touch me.
There are no whites or blacks on earth, there are spirits; you are one of them. Before God, all souls are white.
I love your country, your race, your liberty, your revolution, your republic. Your beautiful and gentle island pleases free souls at this hour; it has just given a great example; it has broken despotism.
She will help us break slavery.
For servitude, in all its forms, will disappear. What the Southern states have just killed is not John Brown, it is slavery.
From this day forward, the American Union can, whatever the shameful message of President Buchanan may say, be considered broken. I deeply regret it, but it is now fatal; between the South and the North, there is Brown's gallows. Solidarity is not possible. Such a crime cannot be committed by two people.
This crime, continue to brand it, and continue to consolidate your generous revolution. Continue your work, you and your worthy fellow citizens. Haiti is now a light. It is beautiful that among the torches of progress, lighting the path of men, we see one held by the hand of a Negro.
Your brother,
VICTOR HUGO.
Gorham Eustis Hubbard, the vigilant American diplomat who stood firm against slavery and defended Haiti’s sovereignty.
Gorham Eustis Hubbard was a 19th-century American diplomat who served as the United States Commercial Agent in Cap-Haïtien during the early 1860s. He played a key role in reporting and opposing the activities of Antonio Pelletier, a notorious slave trader attempting to abduct Haitians for slavery. Hubbard provided detailed accounts of Pelletier’s schemes to U.S. authorities and supported Haiti’s right to prosecute Pelletier. His testimony was influential in the eventual dismissal of Pelletier’s claims against the Haitian government.
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Louis JacquesLJ1848 was a Haitian patriot and a local leader from Cavaillon, in the South department of Haiti. In 1848, during the political turmoil after Faustin Soulouque was elected President (and later declared himself Emperor), Louis Jacques participated in a regional uprising to oppose the increasing authoritarianism of the Soulouque regime. The southern regions of Haiti, especially Sud and Grand'Anse, experienced strong resistance against Soulouque’s centralization of power and his attacks on those he viewed as enemies.
In 1888, as 13President Lysius Salomon’s hold on power weakened, Jumeau stood firm in defense of the regime. When rebellion erupted in August, he quickly led troops around Gonaïves, repulsing insurgents, capturing their supplies, and inflicting significant losses. His efforts helped maintain order until Salomon abdicated in early August.
In July 1902, under the provisional government of 17President Nord Alexis, Jumeau led approximately 2,000 men and field artillery in an attempt to retake Gonaïves from rebel forces. A clash occurred near Duvivier, where his forces suffered moderate casualties. Despite the setback, U.S. diplomats described him as "one of the ablest of the Haitian generals" and a dependable pillar of regional stability.
Though less is known about his life after 1902, Jumeau’s consistent show of state loyalty and military competence marked him as a central figure in Haiti’s efforts to maintain government authority during a turbulent era.
Little is known about Kock's early life, though he was reportedly born in Germany and later settled in the southern United States, where he became a cotton planter in Florida. During the 1860s, as the American Civil War disrupted the cotton economy, Kock began exploring alternative sources for cotton cultivation, including regions in the Caribbean.
Colonization Plan[]
In 1862, after observing high-quality Haitian cotton at the London World's Fair, Kock approached the Haitian government with a proposal to lease Île-à-Vache and develop it into a cotton-producing colony. 8President Fabre Geffrard of Haiti granted Kock a ten-year lease on the island, with terms requiring Haitian oversight and naturalization of the colonists.
At the same time, Kock lobbied the U.S. government—particularly 16President Abraham Lincoln, who at the time was considering colonization as a potential solution to the growing population of freed African Americans. In December 1862, Lincoln signed a contract authorizing Kock to transport freedpeople to the island, with U.S. funding support of up to $600,000 and a $50 bonus per emigrant.
Failure on Île-à-Vache[]
In April 1863, Kock arranged for the transport of approximately 450 freed African Americans aboard the ship Ocean Ranger to Île-à-Vache. Upon arrival, settlers encountered extreme hardship, including disease outbreaks (notably smallpox), inadequate housing, lack of food, and poor sanitation. Kock enforced a "no work, no rations" policy, which created tension and unrest. A mutiny followed, and Kock ultimately abandoned the colony, fleeing the island.
The Haitian government intervened to stabilize the situation, and in early 1864, under growing public pressure, President Lincoln ordered a U.S. Navy ship to evacuate the survivors. Approximately 350 colonists were returned to the United States in March 1864. The failure of the Île-à-Vache project marked the collapse of Lincoln’s final colonization effort and contributed to his shift toward full integration policies for formerly enslaved people.
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Dasny Labonté served as the Minister of Justice and Public Security for Haiti from August 13, 1866, to March 7, 1867, and again from September 6, 1869, to March 23, 1870. Additionally, he was the Minister of Foreign Affairs from September 6, 1869, to December 29, 1869.
Plomba Ladouceur was a prominent early Haitian political figure from Croix‑des‑Bouquets, notable for being the first representative of that commune in Haiti’s newly formed Chamber of Communes in 1817. He was one of 29 deputies, each representing their respective communes following the 1816 Constitution—his election took place in February 1817, and the first legislative session officially opened on April 22, 1817.
His election coincided with 1Alexandre Pétion’s historic speech before the Chamber, marking a pivotal moment in the foundation of Haiti’s parliamentary. While information about Ladouceur’s life and career after 1817 is scarce, his role remains significant as the first elected voice of Croix‑des‑Bouquets; a key moment in the early history of Haitian democracy.
Guillaume Lafleur, Brigadier-General, was beheaded at Les Cayes. Upon Riguad's passing, Borgella took control of the Southern government. One of the generals under his command, Vaval, who was described as a zero, a mere tool, was named as one of the accessories to the assassination of his own brother William Lafleur.
Andre Juste Borno Lamarre.
This name (Lamarre) refers to a street located in Ennery, where the State owns 15 plots occupied by farmers. It is also the name of a street in Môle Saint-Nicolas, where the State owned 11 plots occupied by farmers. Additionally, it is the name of a street in Port-au-Prince and in Pétion-Ville, as well as in several other cities across the Republic, commemorating the courageous defender of Môle Saint-Nicolas. A soldier in the native army and a participant in the war of independence, he was a brave man who expelled the French from Petit-Goâve. He held the rank of Colonel in the 25th demi-brigade and served Senator in 1908. Reference
Théodore Lambert—often simply called Lambert—was a prominent affranchi (free man of color) and military leader from Saint-Domingue during the early stages of the Haitian Revolution. Alongside fellow affranchis such as Pinchinat, Beauvais, Rigaud, and Doyon, Lambert took up arms around 1791, demonstrating significant leadership during the revolutionary uprisings.
One notable episode involving Lambert occurred on August 20, 1791, near Port-au-Prince, when an integrated force of several hundred freedmen and about 300 enslaved individuals—self-named the "Suisses"—clashed with colonial troops. Lambert and his compatriots set fire to the surrounding sugar cane fields, inflicting heavy casualties on the royalist forces.
He served as the second general within this revolutionary army. However, Lambert eventually became disillusioned by the intense political warfare of the Revolution. In 1794, he withdrew from active politics and aligned himself briefly with the British, who had occupied parts of western Saint-Domingue. He effectively receded from the public stage while still maintaining a reputation for integrity and gaining respect from both revolutionary and colonial whites.
Jean-Baptiste Lapointe, a former colonel in the British military, was recognized as one of the most notable refugees of color in Jamaica. In 1811, Lapointe reached out to Haiti’s southern leaders, Alexandre Pétion and André Rigaud, with the intention of negotiating their surrender to British rule. When Rigaud sent a negotiator to Kingston, the affair became known to British authorities. The government took quick action against the self-appointed British agent. Lapointe was declared a ‘person of dangerous description’ and, on the basis of the alien law, he was removed from the island to Pétion’s southern republic. Throughout the 1810s, Saint-Domingue refugees in Jamaica continued to envision — and plot — Haiti’s recolonization.
General Lardy was a lesser-known French officer who appeared briefly in the historical record during the 1802 military campaign in Haiti, specifically during the early stages of General Charles Leclerc’s expedition to reassert French control over the colony of Saint-Domingue. He is noted as one of the commanders—alongside Salm and Pambour—who took part in the military column advancing through the Chatelain Road toward Gonaïves.
Though his personal background and military rank remain unclear, Lardy’s involvement in this maneuver places him at a critical junction of the campaign, as French forces moved to surround and engage revolutionary leaders such as Henri Christophe. The offensive ultimately led to the temporary occupation of Gonaïves but also encountered formidable resistance that stalled French advances.
After this mention in early 1802, General Lardy disappears from the historical narrative. There are no further recorded exploits, promotions, or correspondences attributed to him. It is possible that he died during the Haitian campaign, which claimed the lives of many French officers due to tropical disease and armed resistance, or that his role was limited and did not warrant further mention in primary historical documents.
General Lardy’s fleeting presence in the records is emblematic of the many mid- and lower-level officers whose names surface only momentarily in the broader arc of the Haitian Revolution. While his legacy is obscure, his brief role underscores the scale and complexity of the military efforts aimed at quelling the Haitian struggle for independence.
Evariste Laroche was a prominent political figure from Cap-Haïtien who served as a senator in the late 19th century. He was notably part of the Haitian Senate in the 1870s and 1880s. In 1878, he was elected as a senator representing Cap-Haïtien, and he was re-elected in 1886 and 1888.
While specific details about Evariste Laroche's personal life and political contributions are limited, his repeated elections to the Senate indicate a significant role in Haitian politics during his time.
Gaspard de Goussé, Chevalier de La Roche-Allard (active early 18th century) was a French colonial administrator and naval officer who served as the Governor-General of Saint-Domingue from December 6, 1723, to October 8, 1731. Appointed during a period of administrative consolidation and military fortification in the French colony, La Roche-Allard played a key role in developing strategic outposts along the northern coast, including the settlement of Bayaha—later renamed Fort-Dauphin and eventually Fort-Liberté. Under his administration, French control in the region was solidified through the establishment of military commands and fortresses, including the laying of the foundation stone for Fort Maurepas in 1730.
During his tenure, La Roche-Allard was involved in strengthening colonial defenses, expanding French settlement, and reinforcing the plantation economy based on enslaved African labor. Though little is known about his personal life, his legacy is tied to the militarization and formal structuring of France’s most profitable colony prior to the Haitian Revolution. He is occasionally referred to in historical records as "M. de la Rocheleau" or "de la Rochalar," variants of his title.
Lartigue was a prominent political figure from Jérémie in the early 19th century. He represented Jérémie in Haiti’s House of Commons starting in 1839 and was celebrated by his constituents for his patriotic conduct, earning a banquet attended by over a hundred citizens and local dignitaries. Despite his popularity, he faced exclusion from the Chamber but was re-elected in 1842. His political career was set against a backdrop of growing tensions that contributed to the fall of 2President Boyer’s government in 1843.
Dr. Justin Latortue was a prominent Haitian politician and nationalist from Gonaïves, active during the early to mid-20th century. He served as the mayor of Gonaïves in 1921 and was known for his strong opposition to foreign influence, particularly during the American occupation of Haiti (1915–1934). Latortue was also elected as a senator in 1930, where he joined a group of 11 senators who resisted the "Grand Corps," a political faction aligned with outside interests. Despite their efforts, their opposition was crushed by a coup d’état led by 28President Sténio Vincent in 1935.
Latortue played a significant role in the political revival of Gonaïves after 1946, notably contributing to the uprising that led to the fall of 29President Élie Lescot in 1946. He remains remembered as a key figure in Gonaïves’ history of resistance and political activism, embodying the city's spirit of resilience against authoritarianism and foreign intervention.
Aimé Legros, in 1863, gathered troops to overthrow 8President Geffrard, but his troops betrayed him, and he was shot.
Jacob Lewis was an American merchant. He was the first commercial agent of the United States. He, along with Englishman Robert Sutherland, were the two leading commercial agents on the island.
Paul Lochard, a native of Petit-Goâve, was a distinguished professor, poet, engraver, moralist, and esteemed writer and lecturer. He was widely recognized for his integrity and embodied the ideals of goodness and beauty.
Louis Michel Paulemon Lorquet (1812-1882) was a French physician and researcher, known for his significant contributions to medical science. He was born in 1812 and passed away in 1882. Lorquet is best remembered for his work on tropical diseases, particularly those affecting the French colonies. His research focused on the clinical aspects and treatment of these diseases, and he played a key role in advancing medical understanding in that field.
He is also noted for his efforts in public health and for his involvement in the establishment of medical practices that could better address the challenges posed by diseases in tropical regions. His work helped lay the groundwork for future advancements in the study and treatment of tropical medicine.
Suzanne Simone Baptiste Louverture (c. 1742 – May 19, 1816) was the 2nd wife of Haitian revolutionary leader Toussaint Louverture and served as Dame-Consort of the French colony of Saint-Domingue during the turbulent years of the Haitian Revolution. Born in the colony of Saint-Domingue, Suzanne entered into Toussaint's life during his early years of freedom. After being a coachman and a driver, Toussaint was freed at the age of thirty-three. She married Toussaint, a man born enslaved who would go on to become the leader of the world's first successful slave uprising. Together, they built a family: Suzanne brought her son Placide into the union, and with Toussaint, raised two more boys, Isaac and Saint-Jean. As Toussaint rose from obscurity to power, she stood beside him, her presence a symbol of Black dignity and domestic grace in an era of war.
By 1801, Toussaint had declared autonomy from France and installed himself as Governor of Saint-Domingue. Suzanne, in turn, became "Dame-Consort," a title that might have sounded ceremonial, but in truth marked her as a living embodiment of the new order: a free Black woman, once enslaved, now honored in a society carving its identity from the ashes of colonialism. The Louvertures had it all—a fragile but luminous glimpse of peace, power, and family unity. But the tide turned quickly. In 1802, French warships appeared on the horizon, and with them came General Charles Leclerc, tasked by Napoleon with putting an end to the revolution. The invaders brought terror, disease, and betrayal.
Charles Leclerc's troops captured her along with her husband and the rest of her immediate family. Torn from the island they had helped remake, they were thrust into the belly of a French vessel, sailing into the heart of the empire that sought their ruin. The family was transported to Bayonne, where they were placed under the supervision of General Ducos. In France, the Louvertures were prisoners in everything but name. While Toussaint was sent to the icy depths of Fort de Joux to die in silence, Suzanne faced her own torment. Some accounts suggest she was tortured, interrogated with a cruelty designed to break her spirit and extract secrets about her husband. Yet she remained steadfast. Her youngest, Saint-Jean, died shortly after in the alien cold of exile. Suzanne carried that grief with her to Agen, a provincial town far from the battlefields of the Caribbean.
She lived there in relative obscurity, under watch but not confinement, her days quieted by sorrow and survival. On May 19, 1816, Suzanne Simone Baptiste Louverture died, surrounded by her surviving sons, Isaac and Placide. Her remains were buried next to Saint-Jean Toussaint, but both were moved to an unmarked grave nearby while the original gravesite was replaced by a train station.
Jean-Philippe de Vil-Lubin, comte de Pétion-ville
Jean-Philippe de Vil-Lubin, comte de Pétion-ville (1775-1850) was a notable Haitian figure during the early 19th century. As a key politician and military leader, he was involved in the Haitian Revolution and helped Haiti become an independent country.
Vil-Lubin served in various capacities, including as a general in the Haitian army. He played a role in the political and military affairs of Haiti during a time of great change and uncertainty. His title, "comte de Pétion-ville," reflects the influence of French noble titles even after Haiti's independence from France, indicating his high status in Haitian society.
His legacy is linked to the broader context of Haiti's efforts to establish itself as a stable and independent nation in the aftermath of the revolution.
Pierre Lundi was the first known representative of the commune of Dame-Marie to serve in Haiti’s inaugural Chamber of Communes in 1817. His election marked a significant moment in the early political organization of post-independence Haiti, as rural regions like Dame-Marie began to participate more actively in national governance. Though little is recorded about his personal life or broader political career, Lundi’s role in early civic engagement set a precedent for Dame-Marie’s ongoing involvement in Haitian public affairs.
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General Étienne Magny (1765–1827)
Étienne Magny (1765–1827) was a prominent Haitian military officer, revolutionary leader, and nobleman who played a critical role in both the Haitian War of Independence and the early political structure of the post-revolutionary state. His military career began in the turbulent years of the early 1800s, when he joined the uprising against Napoleon’s 1802 expedition to Saint-Domingue. Magny emerged as a local commander in the Gros-Morne region of the Artibonite Valley, where he joined forces with Paul Prompt to resist the advancing French troops under General Charles Leclerc. In response to growing fears that France intended to reestablish slavery, Magny led armed bands in guerrilla-style operations around Gros-Morne and Petite Rivière, disrupting French advances and rallying rural populations to the revolutionary cause.
Following Haiti’s independence, Magny’s influence continued to grow under the northern monarchy of King Henri Christophe. He was granted the title Duke ofPlaisance and rose to become a Lieutenant General and Grand Marshal of Haiti, one of the highest-ranking officers in Christophe’s military hierarchy. He also served as Grand Chamberlain to the King and was appointed Commander of the 2nd Northern Division, affirming both his military prowess and political trust within the Kingdom. His elevation to nobility reflected his standing not only as a capable military leader but also as a figure of stability and governance during a time when Haiti was experimenting with new forms of sovereignty. Though less renowned than some of his contemporaries, Étienne Magny’s legacy spans both battlefield resistance and state-building, bridging the revolutionary struggle and the establishment of Haitian monarchy and administration.
J.J.F. Magny was Haiti's Minister of Justice for two separate terms: from April 4, 1903, to January 4, 1905, and then from December 19, 1908, to July 14, 1909. Unfortunately, there is little detailed biographical information available, including when he was born and when he died. While his impact on Haiti's legal and political landscape in the early 20th century is recognized, more information about his life is lacking.
Plaideau Mahotière.
The term Mahotiere brings to mind a notable act of bravery:
In 1802, Rochambeau implemented a requisition system in the West, compelling every citizen to supply a horse to the municipality for cavalry purposes. This policy led to various forms of harassment directed at the black and yellow bourgeoisie. Colonel Panis's followers, known as the Septembriseur and responsible for the murder of the virtuous Duchess of Lamballe, seized the finest horses from the locals. These acts of theft sparked discontent, yet no one dared to resist. Mahotière, a citizen of color, was the first to openly challenge these injustices. He was well-respected among his family and local farmers. When the commander requested a horse for a mission, Mahotiere provided a standard mount. The horse was returned with a demand for his best steed. Mahotiere firmly refused, stating he would not comply with this unjust request. In response, gendarmes stormed his home, arrested him, and imprisoned him. He was sentenced to hanging as a supposed spy for Lamour Derance, despite having no ties to this gang leader. He was executed in the same location as Henriette Saint-Marc, with a sign on his chest reading: "Spy of Lamour Derance." The following Sunday, a day of significant activity, not a single farmer ventured into town. The mournful sound of the conch echoed through the ravines and forests, signaling a revolt among the rural populace still loyal to France, at the city's gates. Mahotière held a deep loyalty to France.
Georges Mallet was a prominent figure in early 19th-century Haitian politics. He is best known for being the first citizen to introduce theof Côteaux to the Chambre des Communes (Chamber of Commons) in 1817, marking an important step in the region's political recognition. Through his efforts, Côteaux was brought into the political fold of post-revolutionary Haiti, playing an important role in the development of the southern part of the country. JLM18c Jacques-Louis Marchand was a French colonial settler and plantation owner in Saint-Domingue (now Haiti) during the late 18th century (1700s). He was married to Élisabeth-Adélaïde Grepain-Descotieres, with whom he had at least two sons: Victor-Thérèse-Marie Marchand and Jacques Marchand.
Marchand was the proprietor of several properties in the northern regions of the colony. He and his wife owned a coffee plantation (caféterie) in the Parish of Plaisance et Pilate, a cotton plantation (cotonnerie) at Grande Rivière de Gonaïves, and a residence in the town of Gonaïves. These holdings were lost during the Haitian Revolution, which led to the collapse of French colonial rule in the early 1800s.
Following the revolution, the Marchand family fled Saint-Domingue and settled in Kingston, Jamaica, likely between 1793 and 1800. In the early 1830s, their sons Victor and Jacques successfully claimed indemnity for the family’s lost properties from the Saint-Domingue Indemnity Commission, a body established by the French government to compensate former colonists. Records from 1831 and 1832 confirm their entitlement to portions of the family’s plantations and residences, including properties named “Marchand” in Gonaïves and Pilate.
The legacy of Jacques-Louis Marchand is reflected not only in genealogical and indemnity records but also in the fact that the Haitian commune of Marchand-Dessalines was originally named after him, as the plantation upon which the town was established had once belonged to the Marchand family.
Louis Jules Marchand was born before 1802 in Môle Saint-Nicolas, Saint-Domingue (present-day Haiti), into a prominent French family that had once held property in Gonaïves. He was the son of Marie Thérèse Victor Marchand, a former proprietor in Gonaïves, and Louise Élisabeth Rossignol Desdunes, who was born around 1775 in L’Artibonite. Like many French colonists displaced by the Haitian Revolution, the Marchand family resettled in Kingston, Jamaica, where they became part of the French Catholic émigré community.
On January 12, 1822, Louis Jules married Pauline Clémentine Chevolleau at the Roman Catholic Church in Kingston. Pauline was the daughter of Raymond Chevolleau and Louise de Gournay, both originally from Saint-Domingue. The ceremony was conducted in French and witnessed by several well-known members of the French-Jamaican society, including Joseph Leteliere, François LaBiche, and Louis Perrotin. The couple had at least two sons: Raymond Marchand, born on November 25, 1822 and baptized in February 1823, and Victor Eugène Marchand, baptized in December 1824.
Louis Jules Marchand played an active role in the French-speaking Catholic community in Kingston, frequently appearing as a witness or signatory in church records. His siblings included Pierre Émile Marchand, who married Victoire Antoinette D’Aquin in 1824, and Louise Hortense Marchand, who married Jean Baptiste Julian in 1833. The Marchand family maintained their cultural and religious identity through their participation in Roman Catholic ceremonies and by continuing to use the French language in official church registers well into the 1830s.
Hebourge Marlot (Merlot)
Hebourge Marlot was a mulatto resident of the Malfini district in Dory, Les Cayes, during the turbulent period of Haiti's early independence struggles around 1800. Living in an area that was cultivated with coffee, food crops, and sugarcane, Marlot became an unwitting victim of the political machinations between rival military leaders following the fall of General Rigaud.
In 1800, General Laplume, who commanded Les Cayes and had sided with the colonists against the colored population, orchestrated a conspiracy against Toussaint Louverture by sending emissaries to manipulate Marlot into organizing an insurrection. Believing in the sincerity of Laplume's envoys, Marlot gathered friends and inhabitants at his house, proposing they take up arms against the general-in-chief, but most rejected this dangerous project. When the promised support never materialized and rumors of an insurrection in Malfini began circulating, Marlot realized he had been deceived.
Marlot's fate was sealed when General Laplume used the false rumors as justification to send troops to the peaceful district, where Marlot was arrested at his home without resistance, taken to Les Cayes, imprisoned, and executed the same day. His story exemplifies the dangerous political climate of early 19th-century Haiti, where individuals could become pawns in larger power struggles between military leaders, often paying the ultimate price for their unwitting involvement in conspiracies they neither initiated nor fully understood.
Massé, a white man, royal surveyor, and plantation manager. Massé worked for an estate in Aquin parish that allowed its livestock to graze.
Mavougou was a leader of rebel slave forces during the Haitian Revolution. In September 1802, during the uprising against French General Charles Leclerc—who had been sent by Napoleon Bonaparte to reassert control over Saint-Domingue—Mavougou led an insurrectionary group and briefly occupied Camp le Coq (now Camp Coq) in northern Haiti. His actions were part of the broader resistance by formerly enslaved people against efforts to restore slavery in the colony. Main article: Mavoungou
Joseph‑Eugène Maximilien
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Joseph-Eugène Maximilien was a pioneering Haitian architect active at the turn of the 20th century, recognized as one of the principal creators of the celebrated “gingerbread” style of Haitian architecture. In 1895, he was among three young Haitian architects — alongside Georges Baussan and Léon Mathon — who traveled to Paris to study architecture before returning home to reinterpret European design through a tropical lens. His work helped shape the elegant wooden houses of Pacot, Turgeau, and Bois-Verna in Port-au-Prince, which combined steep roofs, ornate fretwork, and wide verandas to balance beauty with ventilation and resilience against earthquakes and heat. Maximilien is also credited with designing several landmark structures, including the Parisiana Theatre, Haiti’s first movie house built around 1914, and the Cordasco House (Villa Miramar), a prime example of the fusion between French resort architecture and Haitian craftsmanship. Together with Baussan and Mathon, Maximilien established an enduring architectural language that expressed Haiti’s sophistication and creativity during a period of modernization. Today, many of his “gingerbread” houses remain treasured symbols of national heritage — living testaments to a uniquely Haitian blend of artistry, climate adaptation, and cultural pride.
Arthur Mégie, Deputy, was a Haitian politician who served as a member of the Haitian Chamber of Deputies in 1934. He is notably recognized for his legislative proposal that led to the establishment of the commune of Cayes-Jacmel on January 12, 1934. This initiative was based on the city's potential and was supported by his colleague, Deputy Jean-Baptiste Arthur Mégie, also from the commune of Marigot.
Arthur Mégie was also the brother of Émile Célestin-Mégie, a prominent Haitian writer known by the pen name "Togiram," and of Joseph Arthur Mégie, a radio personality and later a construction entrepreneur in the United States.
Joseph Arthur MégieJAMBAND was a Haitian-American who transitioned from a radio personality in Haiti to a construction entrepreneur in the United States. Initially, he engaged in political discourse through his radio station in Haiti. Later, he moved to the U.S., where he established a construction business, contributing to the development of infrastructure projects such as the Bay Front Park in Miami. His journey reflects the broader narrative of Haitian immigrants who have made significant cultural and economic contributions in their new communities.
Jean-Jacques Messeroux was a Haitian revolutionary leader who played a significant role in the post-independence struggles of Haiti. He is most remembered for his role in the 1806 insurrection against Jean-Jacques Dessalines, the first ruler of independent Haiti.
Messeroux was one of the many leaders who had fought against the French during the Haitian Revolution and helped secure Haiti's independence in 1804. However, after independence, tensions grew among the revolutionary leaders, particularly between Dessalines and other factions who disagreed with his authoritarian rule. Messeroux was part of this opposition.
On October 8, 1806, Messeroux gave the signal for an insurrection against Dessalines, leading to a revolt that ultimately resulted in Dessalines' downfall and death. This uprising marked a significant turning point in Haitian politics, as it revealed the internal divisions among the newly freed population.
After Dessalines' assassination, Messeroux’s faction, along with others, contributed to the fragmentation of the country. Haiti would later split into two rival states: the Kingdom of Haiti, ruled by Henri Christophe in the north, and the Republic of Haiti, led by Alexandre Pétion in the south. While Messeroux did not have a long-lasting influence in Haitian leadership after these events, his role in challenging Dessalines helped shape the early political struggles of the new nation
Jean-Baptiste Métellus served as a Haitian military leader and general. In 1812, he was involved in a notable episode of the Haitian-American conflict, particularly concerning the occupation of Fort Sibert.
Michaud, a slave recognized for his remarkable sensitivity, did his utmost to assist the prisoners under his care, as they were transported to camps. Unfortunately, he was under the command of Jeannot, a leader infamous for his cruelty. Jeannot enforced harsh conditions on the white prisoners, confining them with chains and providing merely a glass of water and three bananas each day, occasionally adding a piece of "beef's ear" to their meager rations.
Catullo Mirville (sometimes written Catulle Mirville) was the military commander in Croix-des-Bouquets around 1879, during the presidency of 12Pierre-Théoma Boisrond-Canal. In a dramatic act of defiance, he rebelled against President Boisrond-Canal and ordered the unauthorized execution of four citizens—a ruthless decision that marked a dark chapter in the city’s history. Following this atrocity, Mirville fled into the woods and crossed over into the eastern portion of the island (present-day Dominican Republic) to evade capture.
External diplomatic reports from the time confirm this violent outburst. One account in the U.S. Department of State’s records describes how Mirville, despite rumors of loyalty to other factions, “shot two persons… producing a general feeling of horror and disgust” in Croix-des-Bouquets.
Whether driven by ambition, fear, or anger at the shifting political tides, Catullo Mirville’s legacy is that of a commander who let violence override law—and paid for it by becoming a fugitive.
Christophe Mornay, General, 8th regiment. Dispatched by Toussaint to oversee the city of Port-au-Prince after Laplume's takeover on May 9, 1978. Fought against the British in Arcahaie, 1798.
Pierre Monplaisir
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Pierre Monplaisir, General, was a Haitian political and military figure. He was born in the early 19th century and became notable for his involvement in Haitian politics during a period marked by instability and frequent changes in leadership.
Monplaisir was particularly active in the 1870s, after being named, along with Generals Brice and Boisrond-Canal, in an arrest warrant dated May 15, 1875, alleging that the three were plotting a conspiracy against the government of President Michel Domingue, who was elected just a year prior. Domingue had successfully secured a friendship treaty with the Dominican Republic, but Haiti faced severe financial troubles. He attempted to negotiate a loan with France, which would burden Haiti's finances for many years. This led to widespread corruption, prompting Boisrond-Canal to publicly criticize the financial strategy and the loan. To divert public attention, Domingue ordered the arrests of Generals Brice, Pierre, and Boisrond-Canal, claiming they were plotting against him.
When soldiers came to arrest him, Pierre Monplaisir fought back fiercely, armed and determined. He was killed during the struggle while defending his home.
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Gilbert Néraud, adjutant commander, commanding General Rochambeau's guard.
Benjamin Noël (born December 13, 1768, at the Turbé estate in La Croix‑des‑Bouquets) was an early Haitian military figure and a member of a prominent revolutionary-era family. Born into a plantation household during the waning years of French colonial rule, Noël grew up amid the social and political upheavals that would culminate in Haiti’s independence. Though records of his personal achievements are scarce, his background and social standing suggest he participated in local military and civic affairs, contributing to the networks that shaped leadership in the newly independent nation.
Later in life, Noël became associated with Mirebalais in Haiti’s Centre Department, where his family gained recognition for its role in political and military affairs during the 19th century. His position provided the social grounding that would influence the careers of his children, most notably his son, General Montmorency Benjamin, who served as Secretary of State for War, Commander of the District of Gonaïves, and Senator of the Republic. While Noël himself did not occupy national office, the prominence of his family reflects his household’s impact on the formation of Haiti’s early governance structures.
Noël’s familial connections further highlight his historical significance. He was the brother of Marie‑Louise Coidavid, who married Henry Christophe, a central figure in the Haitian Revolution and later king of northern Haiti. These ties placed Noël within a web of revolutionary and post-revolutionary political influence, linking his household directly to the events and leaders that defined Haiti’s emergence as the first independent Black republic.
Through both his own life and the accomplishments of his family, Benjamin Noël stands as a figure whose story illuminates the complex social, military, and political fabric of early Haiti. His experience bridges the colonial era and the birth of the republic, reflecting the challenges, ambitions, and enduring pride of a nation forged through struggle and vision.
Noiriste Rhetoric.34François “Papa Doc” Duvalier used a message called noirisme to win people over. Basically, he told Haiti’s poor Black majority, “This country should belong to people like us—not just to the rich, light-skinned elite who’ve been running things for years.” He made himself look like one of the people: a country doctor who understood how regular Haitians lived. This made a lot of folks trust him and vote for him in 1957.
But even though his message made people feel proud and seen, Duvalier also used it to turn people against each other. He said anyone who didn’t agree with him was against the Black majority—or even against Haiti. So while noirisme made some people feel powerful, it also helped Duvalier stay in control and punish anyone who spoke out. It brought some pride, but also a lot of fear and division.
Colonel Nully was a prominent figure during the Haitian Revolution, particularly noted for his military leadership in the northern regions of Saint-Domingue. He played a significant role in the resistance against French colonial forces during the late 18th and early 19th centuries. His exact birth and death dates remain undocumented, and much of his early life is shrouded in mystery.
In January 1793, as tensions escalated between French and Spanish forces, Nully was appointed to lead a military campaign against the insurgents occupying the mountains of Limbé, Soufrière, and La Tannerie. Under his command, French forces launched a series of attacks, successfully retaking several positions from the insurgents. Despite these efforts, the insurgents maintained control over key areas, including the mountainous regions stretching from Marmelade to Limbé, which were strategically significant during the revolution.
Nully's leadership was instrumental in the French military's operations in the northern part of Saint-Domingue. However, detailed records of his activities and contributions are limited, and much of his legacy remains underexplored in historical accounts.
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Ulysses (Ulysse) Obas was a high-ranking official and close ally of 9President Sylvain Salnave during the chaotic period of the 1869–1870 Cacos Revolution in Haiti. As Salnave’s government lost control in late 1869, Obas remained one of the president’s most loyal commanders, closely involved in defending the collapsing regime.
His name appeared on a formal decree of outlawry issued on December 22, 1869, alongside other key officials, marking him as a top target of the revolutionary forces. Just weeks later, on January 15, 1870, Obas was captured with Salnave and several others at Anse-à-Pitre, near the Dominican border. They were brought to Croix-des-Bouquets, where all were summarily executed by the victorious rebels.
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AP1861 Antonio Pelletier was an American pirate and the namesake of the Pelletier Affair. On March 31, 1861, a schooner called the Guillaume Tell, flying the French flag and supposedly owned by Jules Letellier, arrived at Fort-Liberté harbor. The captain’s real plan was to trick local people into boarding the ship and then kidnap them to be sold as slaves. He lied to the local authorities, saying his ship needed repairs and even announced there would be a dance onboard to lure people in. But one of his own crew members betrayed the plan and deserted.
When the French Consul from Cap-Haïtien investigated, he discovered the ship wasn’t owned by Letellier but by Antonio Pelletier, and the ship was actually named the Williams—not authorized to fly the French flag.
Pelletier, born French but a naturalized U.S. citizen since 1852, was a well-known slave trader. In 1859, his ship had been caught near the Congo River by a U.S. naval ship. Earlier that year, in January 1861, Pelletier had also tried a similar trick in Port-au-Prince. Flying the U.S. flag, he attempted to board about 150 Haitians to sell them in Cuba. He claimed he was there to pick up guano from a nearby island, but after a crew member tipped off authorities, the ship was searched and found to have handcuffs and other slave-trade equipment. Haitian police ordered him to leave, escorting him out. But instead of leaving, Pelletier cruised along Haiti’s north coast and entered Fort-Liberté under false pretenses, as described above.
On April 13, 1861, G. Eustis Hubbard, the U.S. Commercial Agent in Cap-Haïtien, reported to the U.S. Secretary of State that he was sure Pelletier’s plan was to trick Haitians into boarding his ship and then sell them into slavery.
Pelletier was arrested and put on trial. On August 30, 1861, a criminal court in Port-au-Prince sentenced him to death. But six weeks later, on October 14, Haiti’s Supreme Court overturned that sentence.
He was tried again in Cap-Haïtien and sentenced to five years in prison. When he got sick in 1863, he was moved to a hospital — from which he escaped and fled to Jamaica.
Eighteen years later, in 1879, the U.S. Minister in Port-au-Prince pushed a claim on Pelletier’s behalf for almost $2.5 million. An arbitration reduced the claim to about $57,200. At the hearing, G. Eustis Hubbard stated that he had always believed Haiti was right to punish Pelletier as a pirate and to confiscate his ship and property.
After protests from the Haitian government, the U.S. State Department rejected the claim. Secretary of State Thomas F. Bayard said that Haiti had every right to punish Pelletier for his serious crimes, and that his case was so disgraceful that no legal or diplomatic action should support him.
Colonel Pesquidou was a French military officer stationed in Saint-Domingue (now Haiti) during the French expedition to regain control of the colony in the early 1800s. He was in command of the town of Ennery around 1802, during a period of intense fighting and political unrest following the arrest and deportation of Haitian revolutionary leader Toussaint Louverture.
When Captain Sylla led a violent raid on Ennery, looting and causing chaos, it was Colonel Pesquidou who took action to restore order. He confronted the attackers and dispersed them by firing into the crowd, stabilizing the situation in the town. Pesquidou’s leadership helped maintain French control in the region during a difficult and unstable time for the colony.
Pierre Pinchinat, a lawyer raised and educated in France, had one negro grandparent. He was one of the principal leaders of the “free coloreds” or “mulattos” in Saint Domingue and France, and was also one of General Rigaud’s most trusted agents. In March of 1796 he joined with Rigaurd to seize and temporarily imprison the French Governor of Saint-Domingue, the compte de Laveaux, an important ally and personal friend of Toussaint Louverture. His famous speech supporting the rights of the anciens libres to freedom from discrimination and to representation in the National Assembly is presented in this work with a parallel column presenting its refutation by an anonymous member of the white planter class.
Piquets. In Haiti's history, "piquets" and "cacos" refer to rural insurgent movements that challenged the central government's authority in outlying areas, particularly during the early 20th century (1900s), and were eventually quelled by the United States Marine Corps in 1919.
These were rural insurgent movements that limited the central government's authority in outlying areas of Haiti. These groups carried on war into the 20th century, challenging the central government's control. The United States Marine Corps ultimately put down these movements in 1919. The Gendarmerie, which was later renamed the Garde d'Haïti in 1928, formed the core of Haiti's armed forces after the United States administration ended.
JacquesPraloto (Prélot), officer in the French military in Saint-Domingue during the Revolution. Maltese adventurer, it seems, who reigned for a time over Port-au-Prince at the end of 1791 and the beginning of 1792. Praloto, known as Mal Peigné by Gatereau, appeared on the scene without anyone knowing his purpose. He has played a key role in the revolution of Port-au-Prince and was well-known across France. He served as an agent for the Municipality and the Provincial Assembly. Despite his significant contributions to public affairs, he faced neglect and disrespect from figures like Caradeux and Leremboure, who, despite their arrogance, treated him with contempt and insults. Forced to flee, he was later assassinated, d.1793.
Paul Prompt was a Haitian rebel commander active during the 1802 resistance against the French expeditionary forces sent by Napoleon Bonaparte to reassert control over the colony of Saint-Domingue (modern-day Haiti). He is best known for organizing guerrilla operations in the Gros-Morne region during the early stages of the renewed Franco-Haitian conflict following the abolition of slavery.
Paul Prompt emerged as a local leader in Gros-Morne, a rural commune in the northwestern part of Saint-Domingue. Alongside Étienne Magny, he took up arms in spring 1802 following the arrival of General Charles Leclerc, who had been dispatched by Napoleon to overthrow the authority of Toussaint Louverture and re-establish French colonial rule, including the possible restoration of slavery.
Prompt and Magny organized a series of resistance operations in the Artibonite region, specifically near Petite Rivière and the surrounding mountainous terrain. The two leaders successfully rallied local fighters, utilizing guerrilla tactics to harass and delay advancing French troops. Their resistance contributed to the wider uprising that eventually evolved into a general revolt across the colony once the French intent to reinstate slavery became evident.
Contemporary accounts describe Prompt as a committed and courageous leader, earning Gros-Morne the nickname “City of Paul Prompt” due to his prominent role in the area's defense.
Although less well-known than figures like Louverture, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, or Henri Christophe, Paul Prompt represents the grassroots leadership that played a vital role in Haiti's revolutionary history. His leadership in Gros-Morne is commemorated in local oral tradition and recognized in early 20th-century Haitian historiography.
Paul Prompt is briefly mentioned in works such as:
Haiti: Her History and Her Detractors by Jacques Nicolas Léger, where he is noted for his leadership in the Gros-Morne rebellion of 1802.
Haitian historical encyclopedias and community sources occasionally refer to him when discussing the resistance in the Artibonite region.
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Ernst Rigaud (1822-1891) was a Haitian military officer and politician. Rigaud played a significant role in Haiti's political and military affairs during the mid-to-late 19th century.
Rigaud was known for his involvement in various political and military activities during a period when Haiti was characterized by frequent changes in leadership and political instability. His career included serving in various military and political roles, contributing to the shaping of Haiti's political landscape during this period following the Haitian Revolution.
Louis Rigaud was a surveyor active in early 19th‑century (1800s) Haiti. His most noted work was the layout of the village of Carrefour, founded on May 1, 1813 by President 1Alexandre Pétion. Rigaud's plan envisioned 20 islets and 161 plots (sites), creating the framework for the town's growth. Beyond that, there's little direct biographical information—no birth/death dates or details on other work. Interestingly, there’s an artist named Louis Rigaud (1850–1915), known for painting Haitian leaders—not the same person.
Paul Romain (c.1735-1822) Haitian soldier and politician, Duke of Limbé under Henry I. In the presidential elections on December 28, 1806, he received 14 votes from the assembly but lost to General Henri Christophe. After Christophe's speech against the Republic, Romain chose to support it. He led the assembly session for the State of Haiti and was a key contributor to the fundamental law of the Kingdom of Haiti in 1811. As a close advisor to Henry I, he held important roles, including Grand Marshal, State Councilor, and Minister of War and Navy. On April 8, 1811, he was named Prince du Limbé by the king and received the Grand Cross of the Order of Saint Henry on May 1 of the same year. After the monarchy ended, he was declared president of northern Haiti by a group of generals on October 15, 1820. However, shortly after, he and his colleagues issued a statement accepting the country's unification.
Alix Rossignol (1838-1891) was a Haitian politician and military leader known for his role during the late 19th century. In 1891, he was a significant figure in Haitian politics and military affairs. Born in 1838, Rossignol's career was marked by his involvement in the political and military struggles of Haiti, which was a period characterized by frequent changes in leadership and political instability.
Rossignol's contributions were particularly notable during the presidency of Florvil Hyppolite, under whom Rossignol served in various capacities. He was a general and played a role in the political maneuverings and military conflicts of the time.
Rossignol's role in Haitian politics highlights the broader issues the country faced as it dealt with the challenges of governance and stability after gaining independence.
Roumage was a Haitian political figure active in the early 1800s, shortly after Haiti gained independence. He served as a deputy from Cap-Français (now Cap-Haïtien) and was the Director of State Domains under 1President Alexandre Pétion. In 1806, during a time of growing tension between the North and South of Haiti, Roumage warned another deputy, Bonnet, that Henri Christophe was planning an ambush at Camp le Coq. The ambush was reportedly meant to assassinate members of a delegation sent from the South.
Roumage supported the new 1806 Constitution and stood firmly against Christophe’s efforts to gain more power. He believed in a more democratic and constitutional government and opposed Christophe's attempts to rule as a monarch. Roumage is remembered as a courageous defender of constitutional rule, and he ultimately gave his life for the cause. While not as well-known as other leaders of the time, his actions played an important role in shaping Haiti’s early political direction.
Phillippe Roume
Phillippe Roume served as a French colonial governor. Succeeding Hédouville, Philippe Roume deferred to the Black governor, Toussaint-Louverture. Then a bloody campaign in 1799 eliminated another potential rival to Louverture by driving Rigaud out and destroying his mulatto state. A purge that was carried out by Jean-Jacques Dessalines in the south was so brutal.
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SFP79 General Saint-Fleur Paul was a Haitian military leader known for his involvement in political and military conflicts during the late 19th century (1800s). In 1879, he seized control of the town of Ennery during an insurrection against President 12Boisrond-Canal, whom he had previously supported but later betrayed. His lieutenant, Dorlisca Raphaël, played a key role by being the first to enter the village during the takeover. Saint-Fleur Paul’s leadership marked a period of shifting alliances and power struggles in Haiti’s turbulent post-independence history. Later, on April 23, 1889, he led forces across the difficult terrain of the Marmalade swamps and captured Ennery once again after a five-hour battle. However, this victory caused confusion among government forces and weakened the defense of other important towns, highlighting the unstable political climate of the time. Although not as widely known as some other Haitian generals, Saint-Fleur Paul was a significant figure in the struggles that shaped Haiti’s late 19th-century history.
General Saint-JacquesGSJ1869 was a lesser-known but notable figure during the Haitian War of Independence (1791–1804).
He is best remembered for a particularly brutal and symbolic episode:
During the Haitian War of Independence, General Saint-Jacques reportedly led an assault during which his troops killed many French prisoners and colonists. According to Haitian lore and French sources, he is associated with the so-called “soup of white men” — a term used to describe an act of vengeance in which human remains were allegedly boiled.
He was defeated in May 1869 at Les Chardonnières.
Pierre‑Paul Saint‑JeanPPSJ was a high-ranking official loyal to 9President Sylvain Salnave in the 1869–70 conflict. Outlawed by decree on December 22, 1869, he remained with Salnave until their capture at Anse‑à‑Pitre. On January 15, 1870, he was taken to Croix‑des‑Bouquets and executed by the victorious Cacos rebels.
JSV1901 John Saint-Vil, general, assumed control of Petit Goave in 1868. In the same year, he established Fort Saint-Vil, where he effectively outmaneuvered the courageous Nippes volunteers under the leadership of Eugene Pillié, who ultimately suffered defeat.
André Jean Simon, commonly known as Simon, emerged as a pivotal figure in Haiti's early 19th-century political and military scene. His involvement was crucial during a complicated period following Haiti's hard-won independence from France.
Simon's actions were integral to the myriad struggles that defined the young Haitian Republic. His career unfolded amidst significant turmoil as the nation grappled with internal conflicts and the daunting task of establishing a stable government after breaking free from French colonial dominance in 1804. Simon's efforts were vital in the collective pursuit of Haitian sovereignty and in addressing the political complexities of his era.
Lanoue Sterlin was a 19th-century Haitian civil engineer, entrepreneur, and municipal contractor best known for securing the concession to operate the water distribution service in the city of Gonaïves. His appointment was formalized in 1891 under the administration of 15President Florvil Hyppolite, during a period of civic modernization in the Artibonite region. At a time when Haitian urban centers were expanding and grappling with basic infrastructure needs, Sterlin’s concession marked a significant effort to provide consistent public water access to the growing population of Gonaïves. The system relied on the Lapierre spring, a vital source located in the hills near the city, which supplied water to homes and public buildings. While few additional biographical details are available, Sterlin’s involvement is among the broader efforts of late 19th-century Haitian leaders and professionals to improve municipal services and introduce public utilities in provincial cities. His work represents a key moment in the development of urban infrastructure outside of Port-au-Prince, and he remains part of the local historical record of Gonaïves' civic evolution.
SYL18 Captain Sylla was a Haitian military figure active during the volatile period following the arrest and deportation of General Toussaint Louverture in 1802, during the French expedition led by General Charles Leclerc. Although details about his background and early career remain scarce, Sylla appears in historical records as an independent military actor based in the mountainous region of Plaisance in northern Saint-Domingue.
Following the collapse of centralized leadership after Toussaint’s removal, Captain Sylla emerged as one of several local commanders who took autonomous action in the midst of political disorder. In the immediate aftermath of Toussaint’s deportation, Sylla descended from the heights of Plaisance and led a raid on the town of Ennery. The attack was marked by pillaging and destruction, suggesting a breakdown in military discipline and growing instability across the colony. His actions were not formally aligned with either the French authorities or the remaining revolutionary leadership.
Order was eventually restored in Ennery by Colonel Pesquidou, a French officer who dispersed Sylla’s forces by opening fire on the crowd. While Sylla’s ultimate fate is unknown, his brief appearance in the historical record reflects the chaotic conditions in Saint-Domingue during the early stages of the Haitian War of Independence and highlights the fragmentation of authority that followed the fall of Toussaint Louverture.
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Alexandre Tate,Foreign minister of Haiti from August 3, 1868 to February 19, 1869. Alexander Tate wrote to William Lloyd Garrison to express his apologies for the delay in replying to Garrison's previous letter. He explained that the "torrent of events" in Haiti required his focus elsewhere. Tate shared his joy in meeting "the Honorable" Samuel Joseph May, who presented him with the latest volume of May's history on the "Anti-Slavery struggle." He reflected on his first encounter with Garrison in 1861, admiring Garrison's remarkable character and the swift progress made in abolishing slavery. Although he expressed sorrow over the "sad consequences of events" in Haiti, he acknowledged that these circumstances have allowed him the time to finally plan a visit to Boston to see Garrison.
David Troy, the brave David Troy, a valiant colonel of the 22nd regiment of line infantry and a senator of the Republic, played a significant role in the tumultuous events of early 19th-century (1800s) Haiti. In December 1802, he was compelled to abandon Mirebalais as Pétion seized control of the area, establishing his camp at Savane La Roue. The local church became a refuge for the sick and wounded, who suffered further misfortune as they were robbed during this chaotic time. Adjutant General Luthier, leading a contingent of 200 men, advanced from Hinche and successfully captured Mirebalais, prompting Troy to return to his post for the French forces on the 15th of that month.
In 1807, a woman on a boat recognized Pétion and, through her determination, discovered that he was accompanied by notable figures including Bedouet, David Troy, Meronne, and Bouzy, as they landed at Truitier de Vaucresson. The following year, Magloire Ambroise, the district commander, was arrested by Bonnet and Troy for plotting against 1President Pétion. Faced with trial, Ambroise chose to end his life by poisoning himself in prison on December 7, 1807, while Troy displayed exceptional bravery during the arrest, even in the presence of his regiment's soldiers. His fellow conspirators, including Borno Deliard and Michel, managed to escape capture.
The conflict escalated in October 1808 during a significant battle at the Verrier plantation, where the forces of Christophe and Pétion clashed. The republicans emerged victorious, capturing the Verrier post along with its flag, arrows, and ammunition, with David Troy demonstrating remarkable courage throughout the engagement. On July 28, 1808, he fortified his position at the Poix la Générale estate, further distinguishing himself in subsequent actions. Tragically, David Troy's life came to an end on June 21, 1809, during the assault on Fort de la Soude at Grande-Rivière. In acknowledgment of his significant contributions, a new settlement was founded in the year 1848, bearing the name David Troy in his honor. This settlement underwent a transformation in 1952, when it was rebranded as La Victoire, coinciding with its elevation to municipal status.
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André Vernet,Prince of Gonaïves (1741-1813), served as the Haitian Minister of Finances during the administration of 1Jean-Jacques Dessalines from 1804 to 1806. He corresponded with Antoine Laussat, a businessman based in Philadelphia, USA, who was involved in trade between Haiti and the United States. Vernet held the position of commanding officer of the 14th Regiment of the Indigineous Army, overseeing a force of 1,500 troops stationed at Fort Bayonnais in the Gonaïves commune, part of the Western Division of the Infantry Corps. Alongside Gabart and Dessalines, he exerted control over the Artibonite region, utilizing it as a strategic base for military operations. On May 18, 1803, he participated in the Congress of Arcahaie with notable figures such as Pétion, Gabart, Cangé, Larose, and Dessalines, where they focused on mobilizing the troops from Artibonite and the West, as well as voting on the design of the Haitian flag.
In a significant military effort, Christophe, Clerveaux, Cappoix, Romain, and Dessalines assembled a division of 20,000 men from various regiments, including the 2nd, 6th, 8th, 4th, 7th, 3rd, 11th, 14th, 20th, 22nd, 23rd, and 24th, along with the Dragoons of Artibonite and an artillery regiment commanded by Zenon. This force successfully liberated the city of Cap-Français. Dessalines established his headquarters at the Lenormand de Mézy plantation, the site of the Bwakayiman ceremony. He dispatched Paul Romain and Henry Christophe to Vigie via Port-Français, while Vernet and Charlotin were sent to Cape Heights (Haut-du-Cap). This coordinated effort culminated in the liberation of the Northern department from the French general Rochambeau on November 19, 1803.
General Jean-Baptiste Verret was a notable Haitian military leader and political figure. He was a significant figure during the early years of Haiti's independence following its revolution against French colonial rule. Verret was known for his involvement in the Haitian Revolution and subsequent military and political activities in the newly independent nation.
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General Charles Wagnac was a Haitian military leader known for his role during the early years of Haiti's struggle for independence. In 1802, he was active during a crucial period in Haitian history when the nation was grappling with internal and external challenges.
At this time, Haiti was dealing with conflicts from leftover French colonial forces and rivalries among its own leaders. Wagnac was aligned with the forces of Jean-Jacques Dessalines, one of the key leaders of the Haitian Revolution and the first ruler of independent Haiti.
General Wagnac took part in military efforts to achieve independence from French control. His contributions were part of the broader efforts by Haitian leaders and military figures to ensure the success of the revolution and the establishment of Haiti as a free and independent nation.
William Walton (?1783-1857) was a British agent at Santo Domingo (Haiti), over which the British had briefly fought with the French before it proclaimed its independence in 1804. Returning to England in 1809, he began to write on Spanish and South American affairs. The Present State of the Spanish Colonies was published in two volumes in 1810.
Volume 1 deals with the island colony of Hispaniola (now divided between the Dominican Republic and Haiti). Walton discusses the history and geography of the island, and particularly the natural resources and wildlife. Volume 2 examines the history and resources of the Spanish settlements in South America, describing the Indian, Spanish and Creole inhabitants and their culture, and the relationship of the colonies with Spain. There is much of interest in his study of the origins and culture of the native tribes, and the impact on them of colonization and religious conversion.
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General Yayou, also known as Charles-Yoël Yayou, was a Haitian military leader during the early 19th century. In 1807, he was involved in the political and military affairs of Haiti as the nation was navigating its post-independence period. Under Dessalines, he oversaw the construction of Fort Campan in Léogâne.
Yayou is particularly noted for his role in the complex political landscape of Haiti at that time. The country was dealing with major internal conflicts, with different groups fighting for power. General Yayou was a significant military figure in these conflicts.
References[]
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naval officer and the strongest supporter of 14President Légitime, played a significant role in Haiti’s political and military affairs during the late 19th century. He is best remembered for commanding Chilean warships that bombarded the commune of Grand-Gosier on July 14, 1889, in response to an uprising led by the Rabel family of Saltrou against the Haitian government. Dardignac’s involvement marked a crucial episode in Haiti’s turbulent political history. He was ultimately killed at Cap-Rouge while fighting the rebels from Marigot and Saltrou.
, likely between 1793 and 1800. In the early 1830s, their sons Victor and Jacques successfully claimed indemnity for the family’s lost properties from the Saint-Domingue Indemnity Commission, a body established by the French government to compensate former colonists. Records from 1831 and 1832 confirm their entitlement to portions of the family’s plantations and residences, including properties named “Marchand” in Gonaïves and Pilate.
